{"id":942,"date":"2007-04-21T12:41:08","date_gmt":"2007-04-21T12:41:08","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/?p=942"},"modified":"2014-01-06T14:05:33","modified_gmt":"2014-01-06T14:05:33","slug":"lucy-markerly-1830s","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/2007\/04\/21\/lucy-markerly-1830s\/","title":{"rendered":"Lucy Markerly: A Case Study of an Englishwoman’s Immigration to the Western Reserve in the 1830s"},"content":{"rendered":"

By: John T. Nelson<\/em><\/h3>\n

Contending that women have been marginalized in the historical record\u00a0investigating immigration, historians Donna Gabaccia and Suzanne Sinke have addressed\u00a0this bias in the scholarly literature. Scholars Sydney Stahl Weinberg, Maxine S. Seller,\u00a0and Susan Jacoby have called for changes in the study of immigration by integrating the\u00a0female view into this important field of United States history. They assert that social\u00a0history will be incomplete until the historiography includes both genders in a uniform\u00a0study.[1. Donna Gabaccia, \u201cImmigrant Women: Nowhere at Home?,\u201d\u00a0Journal of American Ethnic History\u00a0<\/em>10 (Summer 1991): 61-87.; Suzanne Sinke, \u201cA Historiography of Immigrant Women in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries,\u201d\u00a0Ethnic Forum<\/em>9 (1989): 122-145.; Sydney Stahl Weinberg, \u201cThe Treatment of Women in Immigration History: A Call for Change,\u201d\u00a0Journal of American Ethnic History,\u00a0<\/em>vol. 11, no. 4, (Summer 1992): 25-67.; Maxine S. Seller, \u201cBeyond the Stereotype: A New Look at the Immigrant Woman, 1880-1924,\u201d\u00a0The Journal of Ethnic Studies\u00a0<\/em>3 (Spring 1975): 59-70.; Susan Jacoby, \u201cWorld of Our Mothers: Immigrant Women, Immigrant Daughter,\u201d\u00a0Present Tense\u00a0<\/em>6 (Spring 1979): 48-51.] This paper will argue that Lucy Markerly, an English woman immigrant,\u00a0provides a case study to examine questions and issues faced by women immigrants. As a\u00a0widow who outlived two husbands, this educated woman’s life and writing, speak to the\u00a0motivations behind immigration in the 1830s. The research will assess her actions, as\u00a0well as the economic, political, and spiritual beliefs revealed in her journal, poetry, and\u00a0family library.[2. See Appendix A for examples of Lucy Markerly’s verse.]<\/p>\n

\u201cFor my part, I neither dropt a tear nor heaved a sigh, for sometime past, home\u00a0had not afforded me that comfort which in former periods it used to do, and I set out with\u00a0a confident hope of finding that in the new world, which I feared would shortly be denied\u00a0me in the old one–peace and competence\u2026\u201d[3. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder, Lucy Markerly Journal, 1833, 1. Hereafter referred to as the Markerly Journal, 1833. Note that after coming to America her son John changed the spelling of the name \u201cMarkerly\u201d to \u201cMarkillie.\u201d This was done to end confusion as to the pronunciation of the name.] This quote begins the journal of Lucy\u00a0Markerly, which recorded her emigration from Lincolnshire, England to the village of\u00a0Hudson, Ohio in the Western Reserve. This woman\u2019s journal serves as a focal point to\u00a0assess numerous issues regarding women\u2019s immigration to America. Markerly\u2019s writing\u00a0reveals her economic motivations for emigrating and her perception of government\u00a0policies concerning taxes and tithes while illuminating her role in the leadership and\u00a0planning process. The Biblical references in the diary disclose her religious and spiritual\u00a0beliefs that sustained her during the illnesses and hardships while immigrating. This\u00a0journal exhibits the importance of family and women\u2019s supporting roles to other family\u00a0members. Her record displays the wide range of emotions such as fear, anxiety, hope and\u00a0relief, which were inevitable during a journey from one\u2019s homeland to a new country.\u00a0Further documents reveal her children\u2019s and descendants\u2019 successful assimilation into\u00a0American society. To examine these issues, this essay analyzes Lucy Markerly\u2019s life and\u00a0journey as a chronological narrative from her journal and family papers.[4. There is an exact copy of the original journal of Lucy Hurn Markerly’s journey from Fleet, Lincolnshire , England to the U.S. in 1833. Mrs. Grace Doncaster Post, great granddaughter of Lucy Hurn Markerly, lent the diary of the trip to Mrs. Ethel Chittenden Turner. As the diary was in poor condition, Mrs. Turner had an exact copy made. Page references to the journal match this copy. Both the original and the copy are on file at the Hudson Library and Historical Society, Hudson, Ohio, MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.]<\/p>\n

Although details of Lucy Markerly\u2019s early life are somewhat sketchy, what is\u00a0known is she was born to David Hurn in 1771 in Lincolnshire, England (her mother\u2019s\u00a0name is unknown in England). Lucy Hurn would marry two times. The first spouse\u2019s\u00a0surname was Darley (his first name is not found in the record) and records indicate he\u00a0died sometime before 1814. From this union Lucy Darley bore two daughters. The first\u00a0daughter (Christian name not in the record) married a man with the surname Norriss \u00a0(Christian name unknown) and they produced a son. This daughter survived Mr. Norriss\u00a0and church records indicate she was living in Holbeach, Lincolnshire, in 1857. The\u00a0family history noted that the son of the Norriss union had moved to the United States and\u00a0in that same year he owned a farm in Wisconsin, one of the states in the Old Northwest\u00a0with a high concentration of English immigrants. More information existed concerning\u00a0Lucy Darley\u2019s younger daughter Hannah, born October 20, 1799, who married William\u00a0Doncaster, born January 14, 1808. They were both natives of Fleet, Lincolnshire,\u00a0England and accompanied Lucy on her journey.[5. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.]<\/p>\n

Following the death of her first husband, she married a second time to Samuel\u00a0Markerly, born 1786, fifteen years her junior, and he died on October 19, 1831. This\u00a0marriage produced two children, Rebecca and John. Rebecca Markerly was born in 1816\u00a0and died on April 23, 1828; her grave is in Fleet, Lincolnshire. John Markerly (later\u00a0spelled Markillie, see endnote number 3) was born in 1814 and died in 1868. It was Lucy\u00a0Hurn Darley Markerly\u2019s eighteen-year-old son, John Markerly, who first went to the\u00a0United States in 1832. His mother, maternal uncle, David Hurn (named for his and\u00a0Lucy\u2019s father), half-sister Hannah Doncaster and her husband William Doncaster would\u00a0follow John. Lucy Markerly and her family\u2019s journey \u201cFrom Old England towards\u00a0America\u201d began March 28, 1833.[6. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.]<\/p>\n

On that day, she aroused her family, departed before sunrise, and \u201cbid an eternal\u00a0farewell to our humble dwelling.\u201d[7. Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.] Markerly had arranged transportation for the family\u00a0to go to Lynn, nearly 20 miles distant. One rented wagon carried the family and their\u00a0belongings destined for the New World. They waited at Lynn until the next morning,\u00a0Friday March 29, when they boarded the steamer, Lord Nelson<\/em>, for Hull, 26 miles away. \u00a0Passenger lists from 1831 reveal over half of those emigrating were farmers, and those\u00a0who left via the port of Hull came in the largest numbers from Yorkshire and\u00a0Lincolnshire.[8. Charlotte Erickson, \u201cEmigration from the British Isles to the U.S.A. in 1831,\u201dPopulation Studies<\/em>, vol. 35, no. 2 (July 1981): 193-7.; Charlotte Erickson,\u00a0Leaving<\/em>England<\/em>: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteen-Century\u00a0<\/em>(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1994), 25-6, 159.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.] Markerly\u2019s family had lived on and operated a modest seven-acre farm\u00a0passed down through Samuel Markerly\u2019s family. This emigration stream reflected the\u00a0population exchange from Great Britain to the United States in an Atlantic economy.<\/p>\n

During the mid-nineteenth-century, Great Britain was becoming the world\u2019s first\u00a0industrial and urban nation. The United States also was following these societal\u00a0developments in the Northeast while farmers and rural artisans exploited opportunities in\u00a0the states formed from the former Northwest Territories. With Britain\u2019s move toward\u00a0free trade, the economies of England and America grew more intertwined. From 1820\u00a0until 1860, concerning culture and economic growth, these nations were the two most\u00a0interconnected countries in the world. While Britain received nearly half of American\u00a0exports, approximately forty percent of United States imports came from that island\u00a0nation. This Atlantic trade bound the two nations\u2019 economies closely together, and part\u00a0of this fundamental socioeconomic development was the migration of English citizens to\u00a0America. From the mid-1840s to the mid-1850s, America received nearly one-half\u00a0million people from Great Britain. In addition to American officials\u2019 tendency to\u00a0undercount the English and overstate the number of Celtic peoples (Welsh, Scot, Irish),\u00a0many listed as going to Canada through the port of Quebec soon crossed over into the\u00a0state of New York. Approximately three quarters of British emigrants chose America for\u00a0their final destination instead of Australia, Canada, and South Africa.[9. William E. Van Vugt,\u00a0Britain\u00a0<\/em>to\u00a0<\/em>America\u00a0<\/em>: Mid-Nineteenth-Century Immigrants to the\u00a0<\/em>United States\u00a0<\/em>(Urbana, Illinois: University of Illinois Press, 1999), 1-9. Van Vugt notes that Britain was the first urban and industrial nation in history according to its 1851 census with only a fifth of the labor force employed in agriculture and over half of its population inhabiting urban areas of eight thousand or more people.]<\/p>\n

Arranging to immigrate to America would not be easy for Lucy Markerly, but she\u00a0was a determined woman. Once she arrived at Hull, Markerly booked a transatlantic passage for her family aboard the HMS Westmoreland<\/em>. The party expected to sail on\u00a0April 1, 1833, but already this widow was encountering logistical and personal\u00a0difficulties. There were numerous delays with preparing the vessel for travel and the\u00a0loading of supplies while moored at the Junction dock. The vessel would not depart until\u00a0April 9 more than a week behind schedule. In the meantime, she became seriously ill,\u00a0noting in her journal \u201cI was extremely ill most of that time, more sick than I ever was\u00a0when we got out to sea.\u201d[10. Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.] Her journal made only a passing reference to her brother\u00a0David\u2019s role in the planning and execution of their journey to America, noting only that\u00a0he suffered the least from seasickness among all the family members. Her son-in-law,\u00a0William Doncaster, garnered no mention in the logistical process at all. The record\u00a0revealed that the widow assumed responsibility for all the ground and sea transportation\u00a0to this point.[11. Van Vugt, 122-30.] While most English emigrants arrived in American ports, the Markerly\u00a0family chose to pass through Canada and the St. Lawrence River, which then tied them\u00a0into the canal system of western New York and the waterways of the Great Lakes. This\u00a0travel by water was the most expedient way for these emigrants to reach their destination\u00a0of Hudson, Ohio in the Western Reserve. Markerly\u2019s planning and leadership proved to\u00a0be a definite asset to her family. Her faith and religious beliefs gave her strength to\u00a0continue in her leadership role.<\/p>\n

\u201cThe sea air seemed to renovate my spirits; and the wonder of the wide ocean\u00a0around me, called forth the sincerest feelings of devotion to that being who holds the\u00a0water in the hollow of his hand and governs universal nature by his omnipotent power.\u201d[12. Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.] The widow recorded these feelings on the morning of their second day at sea. She\u00a0expressed concern that all members of the party suffered from seasickness as the weather worsened through the afternoon. Yet the increased winds carried the ship along at a brisk\u00a0rate of eight knots per hour. However, as the storm strengthened the next day, the\u00a0weather forced the vessel to anchor offshore near Aberdeen, Scotland to await a pilot\u00a0who would steer them through the Pentland Firth. Of course, the high winds and rough\u00a0sea exacerbated her family\u2019s illness. She noted that the noise of the wind through the\u00a0rigging deafened their ears and virtually all the passengers were bedridden. Her journal\u00a0revealed a matronly concern over her family\u2019s suffering from motion sickness, a\u00a0recurring theme through the voyage.[13. Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.; Ana Laura Zambrano, \u201cThe Exodus to America : 1820-1870,\u201d\u00a0Amerikastudien\/American Studies (<\/em>West Germany) 20 1 (1975): 101-121.; Van Vugt, 14.] However, her diary makes no mention of her own\u00a0suffering over losing her second husband, Samuel Markerly, the year before her departure\u00a0from England.<\/p>\n

The death of a spouse can be a deciding factor in the decision to emigrate.\u00a0Although English male immigrants to the United States outnumbered women by an approximate three to two ratio, Markerly\u2019s age at sixty-two placed her in an even smaller\u00a0category. Scholar Charlotte Erickson notes that women over the age of sixty comprised\u00a0only about seven percent of emigrants in a British census taken in 1841. Assuming that\u00a0she fell into this category with her departure in 1833, this indicated a strong willed and\u00a0exceptional individual for her age. Widowhood forced her to assume the traditional male\u00a0role of logistical planner. Her journal noted her last sight of the British Isles as the ship\u00a0passed through the Firth at thirteen to fourteen knots. She described the snow-covered\u00a0mountains of Scotland on the left of the Firth and the rugged Orkney\u2019s on the right. \u201cI\u00a0went upon deck before I returned to bed to bid adieu to land (as I thought) and my native\u00a0land forever.\u201d[14. Charlotte Erickson, \u201cEmigration From the British Isles to the U.S.A. in 1841: Part II, Who were the English Emigrants?,\u201d\u00a0Population Studies<\/em>, vol. 44, no. 1 (March 1990): 23-4.; Erickson,\u00a0Leaving England: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth-Century<\/em>, 25.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.]<\/p>\n

That night in bed, boxes and baskets bouncing into her berth because the sea was\u00a0so rough awakened her. Anything not securely fastened down shifted violently below\u00a0deck. In spite of the churning seas, she managed to get some sleep, but noted that the\u00a0next day she was growing more fatigued. However, Markerly described herself as being\u00a0in better condition than most of the other passengers and therefore blessed. She made\u00a0this assessment even though snow and hail prevented her from going on deck. She\u00a0passed the time making entries in her journal as she described her companions\u00a0immobilized by seasickness. \u201cPale sickness reigns and spreads his sluggish leathern\u00a0wings, while he, despotic sway maintains and o\u2019er each form his mantle flings.\u201d[15. Markerly Journal, 1833,\u00a0<\/em>1-2.]<\/p>\n

As one could imagine, conditions aboard sailing ships were deplorable compared\u00a0to today\u2019s standards. Unless someone has experienced intense seasickness, the closest\u00a0approximation would be a severe case of stomach flu with no relief in sight unless they\u00a0were able to get to dry land. Voyages often took five weeks or longer, and Markerly\u2019s\u00a0was no exception. Historian William E. Van Vugt described seasickness as a form of\u00a0filthy hell, quoting one emigrant who said, \u201cfor the first quarter of an hour you feel afraid\u00a0the ship is going down, and for the next quarter of an hour you feel afraid that it will not\u00a0go down.\u201d On Tuesday morning, April 16, her journal noted that she was feeling better\u00a0than most of the females onboard, revealing an exceptional strength for a woman her age.\u00a0However, she did mention one woman of lowborn status who exhibited no seasickness\u00a0symptoms whatsoever. The widow categorized this woman as stuffing her face from\u00a0dawn until night, constantly intoxicated and referred to her as a \u201cdisgusting animal.\u201d\u00a0Perhaps this revealed her position on temperance for she made no other reference to spirits in any of her writing.[16.\u00a0Maldwyn A. Jones,\u00a0Destination\u00a0<\/em>America\u00a0<\/em><\/em>(New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1976), 25-6.; Van Vugt, 14-16, 137-8; Markerly Journal, 1833, 2.] It is ironic that the ship made its best headway during high\u00a0winds, which produced the worst symptoms of seasickness.<\/p>\n

Luckily, for the passengers, the sea calmed and wind abated the next day but this\u00a0reduced their speed to three knots. Still, she noted that this was a fast pace on good roads\u00a0for land travel. As the sun warmed the afternoon, the passengers were able to come on\u00a0deck and engage in some modest exercise, including Markerly, who took a short walk\u00a0back and forth on the stern. Nevertheless, her journal reveals some impatience when she\u00a0described their speed as slowing to only one to two knots per hour. This could very well\u00a0fall into the category of \u201cbe careful what you wish for,\u201d for the next day, the weather\u00a0turned to raging winds and waves that ran mountains high, according to the author. She\u00a0spent the day in a stupor, unable to either sit or stand. The rest of the passengers were in\u00a0worse health than at anytime on the voyage so far. The following morning, hail pounded\u00a0the sails and poured through the hatchway. That afternoon, she consulted with the first\u00a0mate, who apologized that the ship was a good knot off course, and informed her that\u00a0they were at Latitude 54 degrees, 20 minutes north. At that time, another curious\u00a0passenger noted that it was four o\u2019clock on board and six o\u2019clock in the evening back in\u00a0Hull, England, so they had traversed two time zones. Late that evening and early next\u00a0morning, the pitching of the ship tossed every article not securely moored. As Markerly\u00a0interrogated the sailors the next day, all members of the crew concurred that the stormy\u00a0conditions would continue through the evening. She noted that the captain and all hands\u00a0had been at their stations through the night until Sunday morning, April 21.[17. Markerly Journal, 1833, 2-3. See also Terry Coleman,\u00a0Passage to America<\/em>(London, England: Hutchinson & Company, 1972), 100-118.]<\/p>\n

Driven from the deck by the inclement weather, she retreated to her berth that day\u00a0but was unable to write. She referred again to the waves as mountainous, and this very well may not have been hyperbole, for that afternoon the Captain called a prayer meeting\u00a0in steerage for all passengers. Her journal noted that he and most of the travelers were\u00a0Methodists, and that the assembly was quite impressive. Markerly seemed to have drawn\u00a0strength especially from one speaker who read a biblical passage. He recited \u201cIf I ascent\u00a0into heaven, thou art there, if I make my bed in hell, thou art there, if I take the wings of\u00a0the morning and dwell in the uttermost parts of the sea, even there shall thy hand lead me\u00a0and thy right hand shall hold me.\u201d[18. Markerly Journal, 1833, 3.; Van Vugt, 137-9. See also Howard B. Furer, ed.\u00a0The British in\u00a0<\/em>America<\/em>: 1578-1970\u00a0<\/em>(Dobbs Ferry, NY: Oceana Publications, Inc., 1972), 126-7. He describes British government regulations enacted to set safety standards for ships carrying emigrants, especially noting the high rate of accidents and losses on those vessels bound for Quebec, Canada. He states that in 1834 there were seventeen shipwrecks, which cost the lives of at least 731 emigrants while destroying the property of many others, and leaving them in distressed conditions.] This passage in Markerly\u2019s journal indicates her\u00a0reliance on strong spiritual beliefs to protect both herself and her family. Perhaps she\u00a0was thinking of her son, John, during this prayer meeting.<\/p>\n

In this section of her memoir, April 22, she mentioned that a year ago at this time,\u00a0her only son was on this same voyage and, perhaps his letters had warned of the stormy\u00a0conditions. She noted that the hard gale and rough seas had rocked the ship so that they\u00a0barely could stay in their sleeping berths. Under torrents of rain, the ship rolled to such a\u00a0degree that the waves immersed the vessel\u2019s lee bulwarks with the sails taken in to almost\u00a0bare masts. Barely able to write in her berth, she could at least take solace in the fact that\u00a0some of her family was near. However, John had made the crossing unaccompanied to\u00a0lay the groundwork for the following family members. This form of chain or serial\u00a0migration provided critical information to guide the immigrants in starting a new life.\u00a0Markerly wrote, \u201cI come my dear Boy \u2018oer the wide stormy ocean to seek thy protection,\u00a0and fly to thy arms. I think of my child with the tenderest emotion. This cheers my sad\u00a0spirit when danger alarms.\u201d[19. Charlotte Erickson,\u00a0Invisible Immigrants: The Adaptation of English and Scottish Immigrants in Nineteenth-Century\u00a0<\/em>America\u00a0<\/em>(Coral Gables, FL: University of Miami Press, 1972), 38.; Erickson,\u00a0Leaving\u00a0<\/em>England<\/em>: Essays on British Emigration in the Nineteenth-Century<\/em>, 25-7.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 3.] This passage indicated that she was confident in John\u2019s\u00a0ability to be financially successful in an expanding American economy.<\/p>\n

Although Great Britain had crossed a threshold as an industrialized and urbanized\u00a0society, the United States remained predominately agricultural and rural. Over three\u00a0quarters of its labor force worked in agriculture, yet its industrial base was also rapidly\u00a0growing providing English arrivals with an expanding range of occupational\u00a0opportunities. Land ownership constituted a major motivator for many in this group, and\u00a0they embraced the Jeffersonian concept that farm ownership provided independence.\u00a0Erickson asserts that land ownership was a common goal for emigrants, even those with\u00a0industrial backgrounds.[20. Erickson, \u201cEmigration from the British Isles to the U.S.A. in 1841: Part II. Who were the English Emigrants?,\u201d 37-9.; Van Vugt, 11.] In the immediate antebellum period, the cost of productive\u00a0tracts of real estate in America was approximate to comparable British land leased for\u00a0one to two years. Free trade was a vigorously contested issue in Britain, which would\u00a0benefit industrial workers, but those in the agricultural community feared the loss of tariff\u00a0protection would result in ruinous foreign competition. Forward thinking individuals\u00a0took proactive measures in the form of emigration to America where they hoped to\u00a0participate in this country\u2019s free trade market advantage. Nevertheless, it would be an\u00a0oversimplification to conclude that migrants merely responded to economic push forces\u00a0from Britain or financial pull forces in the United States.[21. Van Vugt, 10-12.] Prior to her departure\u00a0Markerly noted in her poetry dated January 27, 1833:<\/p>\n

Then I\u2019ll fly from this land of oppression and sorrow<\/em>
\nAnd seek me a country where comforts abound<\/em>
\nWhere no one need dread the approach of tomorrow<\/em>
\nLest meat, drink and clothing should cease to be found\u2026<\/em>[22. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.]<\/p>\n

Nevertheless, more pressing issues would occupy the widow and her family during the\u00a0next few days of the voyage, complicated by the ever-inclement weather.<\/p>\n

The next two days, April 23 and 24, gale force winds blowing in the wrong\u00a0direction buffeted the ship as the crew tacked back and forth to make headway. A bedridden Markerly wryly observed that they might be blown clear to Spitzbergen, rather\u00a0than arriving in Quebec. She noted that only the cries of the children on board, the eldest\u00a0merely three years old, punctuated the roaring of the wind and waves. The following\u00a0morning, she observed that they were still in very rough seas and wrote that she was too\u00a0ill to make further observations. Five days later, Markerly updated her log by writing, \u201cI\u00a0have not inserted a word in my memorandum, having had other fish to fry in Neptune\u2019s\u00a0great pan and as his element is of a cool nature, they have taken some time to cook\u00a0them.\u201d[23. Markerly Journal, 1833, 4.] On the morning she was too ill to write, she left her bed to tend to her daughter,\u00a0Hannah Doncaster, who was due to give birth. \u201cWe had a young Neptune born; amidst\u00a0the roaring of the wind and waves, for it was stormy in Latitude 56 degrees, 10 minutes\u00a0North and Longitude 32 degrees, 29 minutes West.\u201d[24. Markerly Journal, 1833, 4.]<\/p>\n

These entries revealed how dedicated Markerly was to her family. Although too\u00a0seasick to make journal entries, she still arose from her bed and nursed Hannah through\u00a0the day as midwife. Her sense of duty prompted her to make an apologetic note in her\u00a0journal for not writing daily. Prior to the professionalism of medicine and its male\u00a0dominance, births took place at home under the care of experienced women.\u00a0Additionally, her references to Neptune indicated that she was an educated person with\u00a0knowledge of mythology and a wry sense of humor. However, the detailed notation of\u00a0coordinates suggested more than an accurate sense of geography. It revealed that she felt\u00a0a profound need to establish a sense of location as she relocated from her lifetime home\u00a0to an uncertain future. That uncertainty heightened as the winds increased to a hurricane\u00a0force for the first three days in the life of her new grandson, William Doncaster.<\/p>\n

As the strong winds continued to threaten the ship, the vessel experienced\u00a0additional dangers from the North Atlantic. When they neared the Banks of\u00a0Newfoundland, the passengers and crew sighted the first iceberg of the voyage. On early\u00a0Sunday morning, the first mate nearly fell overboard, and the temperature grew markedly\u00a0colder. The next day, they passed two more icebergs, which Lucy bravely characterized,\u00a0as \u201cmoving castles.\u201d Yet the voyage was beginning to wear on them as she noted that the\u00a0crew could not measure a sounding even with 150 fathom of line. She noted the bravery\u00a0and skill of the Captain and crew who had carried them this far. More icebergs appeared\u00a0on the horizon and tens of thousands of ice pieces and flows surrounded the ship. In the\u00a0evening large pieces crashed against the hull and woke the passengers, who sometimes\u00a0wondered if the ship would remain seaworthy. The following morning and afternoon,\u00a0they passed even larger icebergs more than a mile long and a half-mile wide that drew\u00a0within twenty yards of the vessel. Her journal related that the oldest sailor on board\u00a0commented that he had never before seen so much ice in this expanse. After more than a\u00a0month at sea, Markerly remarked, \u201cI began to be very weary of my prison.\u201d[25. Van Vugt, 14.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 4.; Furer, 26-7.] This\u00a0comment revealed her emotional state as fear and anxiety began to wear down her spirits.\u00a0Van Vugt has stated that the physical and psychological burdens were formidable to the\u00a0people who chose to emigrate. Family ties and group support were significant assets to\u00a0emigrants who faced these harsh conditions and inclement weather.<\/p>\n

On Saturday morning, May 11, she noted that the previous evening had been the\u00a0coldest and the worst yet with the passengers struggling just to remain in their berths.\u00a0During the day icicles hung from the rails and masts; glare ice covered the deck, making\u00a0the footing treacherous. Although they passed another vessel, the widow was too weak to leave her berth to witness it, and she related that all of the children had been ill for\u00a0several days. The crew removed Hannah and baby William to another cabin while they\u00a0scrubbed and washed their accommodations. That day her last journal entry stated \u201cI\u00a0think the little one cannot live much longer.\u201d[26. Markerly Journal, 1833, 5.; Zambrano, 101-121.] The issue of illness continued as a major\u00a0source of stress, and the family dealt with this through their religious faith.<\/p>\n

Markerly spent the next several days in bed with a severe headache, but she\u00a0continued to attend the Sunday afternoon prayer meetings hosted by their Captain. She\u00a0observed that although two Irish Catholics were on board, they appeared to be respectable\u00a0people. This grudging concession pointed out the cultural and religious differences\u00a0between the Celts and the English. She noted that one of their Methodists argued with\u00a0the Catholics over religious dogma. When not debating matters of faith, most of the\u00a0passengers revealed feelings of homesickness. Those from Lincolnshire reminisced\u00a0about their agricultural fair held at Sutton, while the emigrants from Yorkshire compared\u00a0their exhibition at Beverly held on the same day. There was some cause for optimism\u00a0when Markerly observed that the sailors were preparing the anchors, which they would\u00a0need when they reached landfall. \u201cLand, land cried aloud from every tongue\u2014but the\u00a0rain descends in torrents, I cannot go upon deck.\u201d[27. Markerly Journal, 1833, 6.]<\/p>\n

The ship was in sight of Cape Ray on the southwest point of Newfoundland, a\u00a0high mountain covered with snow. However, even as the rain cleared, she again retired\u00a0to her berth feeling unwell and shivering with cold. \u201cI have missed the opportunity for\u00a0again seeing land though I have not seen any for the last thirty days.\u201d[28. Markerly Journal, 1833, 6.] The next day\u00a0they passed Magdalan Island and a high outcropping of rock called Bird Island.\u00a0Markerly observed that huge flocks of seafowl nested there and raised their young in this\u00a0very secure place. Perhaps in her mind she contrasted that security with the doubts\u00a0concerning the welfare of her infant grandson. She also noted large pods of whales called\u00a0\u201cfinners\u201d which spouted and played near the vessel. Here again in nature she witnessed a\u00a0joyful family blessed with health as opposed to her own.<\/p>\n

Nature became more cooperative the following day as the weather cleared and\u00a0they entered the Gulf of St. Lawrence and approached the island of Aveticosti with its\u00a0lighthouse. After passing this seventy-mile long island, they came to Cape Jaspian,\u00a0which is near the mouth of the St. Lawrence River. There they picked up a French\u00a0Canadian pilot who would guide them up the river to the quarantine facilities on Grosse\u00a0Island. Their guide informed them that they would dock in about three days, and she\u00a0appeared concerned that he only got home to his wife and children about once a month.\u00a0Once more, this strong but sensitive woman displayed a deep sense of family affiliation.[29. Erickson,\u00a0Invisible Immigrants: The Adaptation of English and Scottish Immigrants in Nineteenth-Century\u00a0<\/em>America<\/em>, 38-39.; Markerly Journal, 6.]<\/p>\n

True to his word, the pilot brought them into the quarantine headquarters on\u00a0Grosse Island on May 21, and doctors ordered all the passengers to go ashore for physical\u00a0examinations. The immigrants were also required to launder all of their clothing and the\u00a0ship\u2019s linens. Fortunately, the illness on board the ship had consisted primarily of\u00a0seasickness, sparing the passengers contagious diseases like typhus, typhoid, or cholera.\u00a0Although Markerly grudgingly acknowledged the necessity for these sanitation\u00a0procedures, she had a lesser opinion for the security measures in place. She observed that\u00a0the soldiers garrisoned there served \u201c\u2026no other purpose under heaven than to take a few\u00a0more pounds out of John Bull\u2019s pockets.\u201d[30. Markerly Journal, 1833, 6-7. See also Charlotte Erickson, ed.,\u00a0Emigration from<\/em>Europe\u00a0<\/em>1815-1914\u00a0<\/em>(London, England: Adam & Charles, 1976), 241-46.] Numerous English emigrants took issue with\u00a0many of the British government\u2019s policies, especially taxation, and Lucy\u2019s poetry\u00a0addressed this.<\/p>\n

I\u2019ll go where the workman is paid for his labour<\/em>
\nWhere taxes are few; and where tythes are unknown,<\/em>
\nWhere no one desposteth the goods of his neighbour<\/em>
\nBut rests in contentment enjoying his own\u2026<\/em>[31. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.]<\/p>\n

As previously noted, this English widow had operated a seven-acre plot with her\u00a0husband, Samuel Markerly, near the village of Fleet, Lincolnshire. Given the size of this\u00a0operation, even under the best of circumstances, profits would have been marginal. Since\u00a0the land had been in the family for several generations, it was quite possible that yields\u00a0diminished as soil quality degraded. The flyleaves of the books in her private library,\u00a0which she brought to America, mentioned many family members going into service.[32. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder. See Appendix B for a list of books the Markerly family brought to America. Several volumes survive in the Hudson Library and Historical Society Archives. Many of the volumes were works of poetry.] This supports the contention that the Markerly youth had to augment the family income as wage earners. Flat prices for grain and increased taxes forced many small\u00a0agriculturalists into dire economic circumstances. The lure of cheap lands on the\u00a0expanding American frontier provided a strong incentive for English farmers tilling\u00a0marginal soils to risk moving their families to the United States, thus maintaining their\u00a0class status as independent yeomen.[33. Erickson,\u00a0Invisible Immigrants: The Adaptation of English and Scottish Immigrants in Nineteenth-Century\u00a0<\/em>America\u00a0<\/em>, 22-3.; Erickson, \u201cEmigration from the British Isles to the U.S.A. in 1841: Part II. Who were the English Emigrants?,\u201d 37-9.]<\/p>\n

The British government itself had encouraged emigration from the United\u00a0Kingdom when the House of Commons appointed a select committee for this purpose in\u00a01826. Five years later Britain established the Government Commission on Emigration to\u00a0collect and disseminate information to its citizens about the United States.[34. Maldwyn Allen Jones,\u00a0American Immigration\u00a0<\/em>(Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press, 1960), 101-2.;H.J.M. Johnston,\u00a0British Emigration Policy 1815-1830\u00a0<\/em>(Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1972), 109-28.; Furer, 31-5.] In addition,\u00a0Methodists surely would have resented having to support the Anglican Church with\u00a0tithes. In January of 1832, British Parliament passed a law mandating that citizens dying\u00a0with insufficient property to pay for burial expenses would not receive governmental\u00a0assistance. Instead, surgeons and medical schools would receive the body for dissection\u00a0and anatomy studies. This mandatory claim on one\u2019s remains ran counter to the funerary\u00a0practices and sensibilities of the time. These last two government policies influenced\u00a0Markerly\u2019s decision to emigrate as reflected in her poetry prior to leaving England.<\/p>\n

There no upstart tyrant shall rise to oppress me<\/em>
\nNor priest made by law, e\u2019er attempt to delude<\/em>
\nThere no evil game laws exist to distress me<\/em>
\nThe bounties of nature, from man to exclude<\/em>
\nWithout dread of a poorhouse or fear of a jail<\/em>
\nNor at Death the disgusting decree be awarded<\/em>
\n\u201cBe hacked up in pieces\u201d lest science should fail<\/em><\/p>\n

O England poor England thy sun\u2019s set forever<\/em>
\nThy laws are defective, thy people oppressed<\/em>
\nBut revenge for their wrongs will not slumber forever<\/em>
\nIndignant humanity will be redressed<\/em>
\nThen I\u2019ll fly thy dark borders; but still I must leave thee<\/em>
\nThou land of my birth and my ancestors graves<\/em>
\nTis\u2019 prudence and courage united behooves me<\/em>
\nTo flee from oppression and trust the salt waves<\/em>[35. MS, M624, Markillie Papers, File Folder.; See also W. S. Shepperson,\u00a0British Emigration to North America\u00a0<\/em>(Minneapolis, MN: 1957), 5-11.]<\/p>\n

Although she had moved from salt to fresh water, she still felt oppressed on\u00a0Grosse Island. She compared herself to Napoleon Bonaparte, confined to a large craggy\u00a0rock, and one would think that after over five weeks of ocean travel with its attendant\u00a0seasickness that she would take the opportunity to relax and savor the solid ground\u00a0beneath her feet. Her memoir reflected an obvious impatience to leave the quarantine\u00a0area after only two days and again board the HMS Westmoreland<\/em>. She also expressed\u00a0supreme confidence in the ability of the Captain and crew who had scrubbed and\u00a0whitewashed the vessel before she returned to the ship, eager to continue her journey.[36. Markerly Journal, 1833, 7.]<\/p>\n

As they sailed up the St. Lawrence on May 23, Markerly commented that the\u00a0scenery along the river was grand beyond description. On that day, they dropped anchor\u00a0at the dock in Quebec, Canada, and she described the ancient ramparts that rose 360 steps\u00a0above the water\u2019s edge. She observed that the fortress appeared impregnable then wryly\u00a0recalled how British forces had taken the citadel. The city\u2019s industry and bustling economy impressed her, but she was less than pleased with the customhouse officers who\u00a0delayed their transfer from the HMS Westmoreland<\/em> to the steamboat, Canadian Eagle<\/em>,\u00a0which would take them to Montreal. During that portion of the journey, she compared\u00a0the numerous farms along the river to hers in Lincolnshire as it appeared fifty years ago.\u00a0This may have been a momentary feeling of homesickness, but she still seemed eager to\u00a0reach Montreal.[37. Markerly Journal, 1833, 7-8.]<\/p>\n

From a distance, Markerly considered Montreal to be a beautiful city as they\u00a0pulled up to docks, but her opinion changed radically the next day. After strolling\u00a0through the town she observed,<\/p>\n

I was never so disappointed by first appearances in my life for I found it<\/em>
\nthe nastiest, dirtiest place my eyes ever beheld\u2014the streets are an<\/em>
\nabomination\u2014manure and dead animals are thrown into the middle of<\/em>
\nthem and there left to putrefy\u2014last year the cholera did carry off hundreds<\/em>
\nof the inhabitants and my only wonder is that any escaped with life.<\/em>[38. Markerly Journal, 1833, 8.]<\/p>\n

That Sunday evening a passenger\u2019s child fell overboard at dockside and the crew failed to\u00a0recover her body. The next day she disembarked from the steamship and hired wagons to\u00a0transport their luggage to another steamship, which would carry them across the river.\u00a0On the opposite shore, she hired four wagons to take the family to St. John, eighteen\u00a0miles away. She commented that the roads were the muddiest she had ever seen and that\u00a0the horses would lose their footing as the wagons became repeatedly mired. They did not\u00a0arrive until 9 o\u2019clock that evening and stayed at a tavern kept by an Irishman. Markerly\u00a0assigned family members to take turns watching the luggage through the evening. Her\u00a0journal entry reflected the stress of this part of the journey, stating, \u201cI never was among\u00a0such a set of cannibals in my life, and I believe the Canadians are so in general.\u201d[39. Van Vugt, 16.; Markerly Journal, 1833, 8.] This\u00a0English woman\u2019s critical assessment of Canadians revealed her reaction to frontier infrastructure. Furthermore, it was common during travel for expenses often to run over\u00a0budget.<\/p>\n

On May 28, Markerly and her party boarded the steamship Phoenix<\/em>, which would\u00a0travel up the Champlain River and across the lake of the same name, a distance of 160\u00a0miles to Whitehall. In the distance, she saw Vermont\u2019s high mountains covered with\u00a0snow. The next day they boarded a Northern Canal boat, which carried them to Fort\u00a0Ann, and the widow noted that they had traveled 4,200 miles and were greatly fatigued.\u00a0She observed that she would not wish to settle in this area, but that the inhabitants were a\u00a0great improvement over the Canadians. Then they transferred to the Western Canal\u00a0(Erie) and on this boat the incompetent captain and steersman repeatedly hung up the\u00a0craft through the night. She marveled at the changes in the countryside as neat villages,\u00a0plowed fields, and large orchards came into view the next day. Were it not for her\u00a0overwhelming exhaustion, she could have enjoyed this scenery even more. By June 1,\u00a0they had passed through Schenectady, New York and on Sunday morning, they neared\u00a0Utica, where she observed that all the children were very ill.[40. Markerly Journal, 1833, 9.]<\/p>\n

In her journal she recorded that little William only had a few hours to live, and by\u00a0noon, her grandchild had expired. Rather than discuss her own sense of loss, Markerly\u00a0expressed relief that the child would no longer suffer. Her main concern was how\u00a0Hannah would bear her grief and what consequences it would have on the mother\u2019s\u00a0health. Once again, her first thoughts were for her family rather than herself. Two days\u00a0later they stopped at a village called New London for a few hours where they assembled\u00a0the baby\u2019s coffin and then continued. The next morning, Wednesday, June 5, they arrived at Port Byron. Her brother David Hurn and son-in-law William Doncaster\u00a0preceded her into town to meet Markerly\u2019s son, John. She declared, \u201cI will not attempt to\u00a0describe my feelings, but I had from my first leaving home and for sometime previous to\u00a0that event strove to keep them in subordination and I did so then.\u201d[41. Markerly Journal, 1833, 10.] That evening they\u00a0interred little William in a burying ground on a high hill. Despite all of her efforts, not all\u00a0of her family would finish the journey \u201cFrom Old England towards America.\u201d[42. Markerly Journal, 1833, 1.]<\/p>\n

Lucy Hurn Markerly\u2019s journal ends with the Port Byron entry, but Hudson\u00a0newspaper obituaries, deed transfers, and Federal census records prove that the Markerly\u00a0family built a successful life in Hudson, Ohio. Her son John and nephew David Hurn Jr.\u00a0established a successful carriage making business and livery. As a land speculator, John\u00a0Markillie\u2019s name appeared on thirty transfers in Summit County, Ohio. He also served as\u00a0the Hudson Village Clerk, maintained a photography business, and donated land for the\u00a0village cemetery. The Doncaster family operated a profitable funeral home well into the\u00a0twentieth century.[43. U.S. Government, Federal Census Records (Hudson: OH, 1870).;\u00a0Chagrin\u00a0<\/em><\/em>Falls<\/em>Exponent<\/em>, 5 and 19 March, 1885.;\u00a0Hub-Times<\/em>, 28 May, 1931.;\u00a0Hudson\u00a0<\/em><\/em>Enterprise<\/em>, 29 December, 1877.;\u00a0Hudson\u00a0<\/em>Herald<\/em>, 22 April, 1926.;\u00a0Hudson\u00a0<\/em>Independent<\/em>, 25 November, 1904.] The Markerly family owed much of its success to a strong willed\u00a0woman who never strayed from her vision of a better life in the United States for her\u00a0children and their descendants. Not content to eke out an existence as a marginalized\u00a0agriculturalist, this woman analyzed business potential in the Western Reserve and took\u00a0proactive steps to exploit those opportunities in an expanding American economy. Her\u00a0leadership and planning skills were definite assets in this family endeavor. Markerly\u00a0assumed responsibility for securing passage on this long and complex journey from\u00a0England to America. Setting an example of strength and courage, she relied on her faith\u00a0in God and spiritual beliefs to sustain her on the long voyage. She refused to allow\u00a0illness and physical hardships to deter her from a carefully planned mission. Keeping her\u00a0emotions in check, she presented a picture of hope and offered relief in times of fear and danger. Her family\u2019s welfare was always her primary concern. Rather than tolerating\u00a0government oppression, rising taxes, and a state sponsored religion financed by tithes,\u00a0she chose to immigrate to America where her loved ones would benefit not only from\u00a0enhanced economic opportunities, but also enjoy a society that cherished individual rights\u00a0and respected personal liberty.<\/p>\n

As a case study, this English immigrant provides insight into the role of women\u00a0and their family duties and obligations in the nineteenth-century. Following the death of\u00a0her second husband, Lucy Hurn Markerly assumed responsibilities beyond the traditional\u00a0domestic sphere of childcare and homemaking. Rather than passively accepting British\u00a0government decrees and economic pressures, she displayed agency in moving her family\u00a0to the Western Reserve village of Hudson. Her journal offers a contrast to the accounts\u00a0examined in Lillian Schlissel\u2019s Women\u2019s Diaries of the Westward Journey<\/em>. Markerly\u00a0was a first generation immigrant to the Midwestern United States, and her story revealed\u00a0an unbridled enthusiasm for the transition. According to Schlissel, the accounts of\u00a0American women pioneers to Oregon and California displayed not just a lack of\u00a0enthusiasm for the move, but an outright anguish at the dislocation. Several factors may\u00a0account for the difference in attitude. Although Markerly covered a much longer\u00a0distance, her principle conveyance was water transportation, which lasted less than three\u00a0months. The land journey from St. Joseph, Missouri to California and Oregon took from\u00a0six to nine months. Markerly, as a widow, actively chose to come to America, whereas\u00a0virtually all of the Schlissel accounts revealed married women\u2019s deference to nineteenth-century\u00a0patriarchy concerning the overland experience.[44. Lillian Schlissel,\u00a0Women’s Diaries of the Westward Journey\u00a0<\/em>(New York, NY: Schocken Books, 1992), 1-15.] Yet both the Markerly journal,\u00a0\u201cFrom Old England towards America,\u201d and Women\u2019s Diaries of the Westward Journey<\/em> shared common themes of childcare and illness, pregnancy and infant death, as they\u00a0strove to maintain family integrity.<\/p>\n

Appendix A<\/h4>\n

Farewell to Old England -I shortly must leave thee
\nThe bright star of hope, can no longer delude
\nAdversity soon would of comforts bereave me
\nPerhaps pallid want might its presence intrude
\nAdieu my dear friends that I leave far behind me
\nMay health and prosperity on you attend
\nTho’ absent remembrance forever shall bind me
\nTo each one endeared by the title of friend. “-
\nYe scenes of my childhood adieu now forever
\nYet sweet recollections of juvenile days
\nShall dwell in my bosom tho’ oceans may sever
\nAnd oft be the theme of my rustical days
\nFarewell ye remains of my dearest connections
\nWho sleep in oblivion beneath the cold clay
\nWe’ll meet yet again with refined recollections
\nI joy in the prospect of that happy day \u2013<\/p>\n

Yet while in this transient state of probation
\nThe blessings of life must desirable be
\nFor in spite of each learned over grave dissertation
\nContent and stern poverty ne’ er will agree .
\nThen I’ll fly from this land of oppression and sorrow
\nAnd seek me a country where comforts abound
\nwhere no one need dread the approach of tomorrow
\nLest meat, drink and clothing should cease to be found
\nI’ll go where the workman is paid for his labour
\nWhere taxes are few; and where tythes are unknown,
\nWhere no one desposteth the goods of his neighbour
\nBut rests in contentment enjoying his own \u2013
\nOn the banks of Ohio, I’ll seek me a dwelling
\nThere, the war-whoop of arson no more shall astound
\nBy far more appalling than angry waves swelling
\nTho’ floods devastating envelope the ground<\/p>\n

There no upstart tyrant shall rise to oppress me
\nNor priest made by law, e’er attempt to delude
\nThere no evil game laws exist to distress me
\nThe bounties of nature, from man to exclude
\nWithout dread of a poorhouse or fear of a jail
\nNor at Death the disgusting decree be awarded
\n* “Be hacked up in pieces” lest science should fail<\/p>\n

O England poor England thy sun’s set forever
\nThe laws are defective, thy people oppressed
\nBut revenge for their wrongs will not slumber forever
\nIndignant humanity will be redressed
\nThen I’ll fly thy dark borders; but still I must leave thee
\nThou land of my birth and my ancestors graves
\nTis’ prudence and courage united behooves me
\nTo flee from oppression and trust the salt waves
\nLucy Markillie<\/p>\n

Jan\u2019y 27, 1833
\n*In 1832, the British parliament passed a law that any person dying who was not
\npossessed of property, sufficient to pay the expenses of their funeral, was not to be\u00a0buried, but given to the surgeons for dissection; I believe the law was never acted upon.<\/p>\n

Sunday morning June 28th 1835
\nHow solemn and silent are all things around,
\nSoft zephyr scarce breathes in the trees,
\nAnd the trembling cow bell’s monotonous sound
\nIs just borne aloft by the breeze<\/p>\n

The flood gates have stopt the career of the stream
\nThe water lies sullen and still
\nThe ax, and the horses, and anvil at rest
\nAnd ceased is the clack of the mill.<\/p>\n

No church bells have ever disturbed the repose
\nOf these woods and those vallies around
\nA blank -as was chaos e\u2019re nature arose
\nAnd a silence almost as profound.<\/p>\n

Give me back; give me back the gay bustle of life
\nWhere animate scenes are in view
\nWhere sweet smiling faces and pleasures are rife
\nThen to mud and the back woods adieu.
\nBy Lucy Markillie<\/p>\n

Appendix B<\/h4>\n

Books Brought from England in 1833 by Lucy Markerly<\/p>\n

Cooke’s Pocket Library Editions:<\/p>\n

The Adventures of Roderic Random by T. Smollet, MD. Vol. 1
\nSigned: L. Markerly March 6,1814<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of John Gay. Vol. 1. .
\nSigned: Lucy Markerly March 6, 1814<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of John Gay. Vol.2.
\nSigned: L. Markerly March 6, 1814<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of Oliver Goldsmith.
\nSigned: Lucy Markerly March 6, 1814<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of William Falconer
\nCreation: A Philosophical Poem. By Sir Richard Blackmore
\nSigned: F. Wooley, Spalding Mary Asbridge Jan’y 2nd 1812 Spalding<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of Thomas Gray
\nThe Poetical Works of T. Smollett, M.D.
\nThe Poems of Dr. Thomas Sprat, Bishop of Rochester
\nThe Poetical Works of John Earl of Rochester
\nSigned: Lucy Markerly March 6 , 1814<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of Alexander Pope. Vol. 1
\nSigned: Sam\u2019l Markerly Dec. 17th 1806<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of Alexander Pope. Vo1.2
\nSigned: Sam\u2019l Markerly Dec. 17th 1806<\/p>\n

The Life and Opinions of Tristram Shandy , Gentleman, by Laurence Sterne Vol. 1<\/p>\n

The Life and Opinions of Tristrm Shandy, Gentleman, by Laurence Sterne Vol. 2<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of S. Johnson, LL.D
\nThe Poetical Works of ‘,William Falconer
\nSigned: L. Markerly March 6 , 1814<\/p>\n

A Sentimental Journey through France and Italy by Mr. Yorick (Laurence Sterne)
\nGeorge Barnwell; a Tragedy in five acts by George Lillo
\nThe Stranger; or, Misanthropy & Repentance. A Drama in five acts -from\u00a0the German of Augustus von Kotzebue 1805
\nPoems on his Domestic Circumstances by Lord Byron 1823
\nSigned: J. Markillie<\/p>\n

The Poetical Works of John Milton, London, T. Wilkins, 1794
\nSigned: Sam\u2019l Markerly July 2nd 1815<\/p>\n

Essays on Men and Manners by William Shenstone, Ludlow, George Nicholson
\nSigned: Lucy Markerly Jan’y 6, 1814<\/p>\n

Elements of Geometry. Written in French By F. Ignat. Gaston Pardies And
\nrender’d into English By John Harris, D.D. 7th Edition, London,
\nD. Midwinter and A. Ward, 1734
\nSigned: Sam\u2019l Markerly Fleet 1800<\/p>\n

The Universal Magazine. Vol CII & CIII (one volume), London, W. Bent, 1798
\nSigned: Sam\u2019l Markerly Fleet Feb’y 4 1798 S. Markerly Feb’y 4th 1811<\/p>\n

Merope, A Tragedy by Aaron Hill. London 1777
\nThe True-born Englishman; A Satyr. 24th Edition. London 1775
\nThe Chaplet. A Musical Entertainment by Moses Mendez. London 1777
\nThe Drummer; or, the Haunted House, A Comedy by Mr. Addison. London 1777
\nZara. A Tragedy by Aaron Hill. London 1778
\nDamon and Phillida. A Ballad Opera. London 1777
\nOrpheus and Eurydice. An Opera. London 1777
\nPhaedra and Hippolitius. A Tragedy. By Mr. Edmund Smith. London 1777
\nA Lecture on Mimicry. By George Saville Carey. London 1776
\nThe Rehearsal. A Comedy. By George, late Duke of Buckingham. London 1777
\nThe Lottery. A Farce. By Henry Fielding. London 1775
\nThe Drummer-or, the Haunted House, A Comedy by Mr. Addison. London 1777
\nSigned: John Markerly Jan\u2019ry 16th 1828<\/p>\n

Mauger, Claudius, French Grammar<\/span>, 20th edition, London, R. Wellington, 1705
\nSigned: June the first 1705. Bought this book for Samuel Markilly cost
\ntwo shillings and sixpence 2\/-6 Le premier de Juin 1705.
\nJay achete ce Livre Pour Samuel Marquilly, coute trente fou.
\nAnother signature: Samuel Markille
\nOn fly leaves John Markillie has written family history<\/p>\n

John Markillie\u2019s school penmanship notebooks.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

By: John T. Nelson Contending that women have been marginalized in the historical record\u00a0investigating immigration, historians Donna Gabaccia and Suzanne Sinke have addressed\u00a0this bias in the scholarly literature. Scholars Sydney Stahl Weinberg, Maxine S. Seller,\u00a0and Susan Jacoby have called for changes in the study of immigration by integrating the\u00a0female view into this important field of … Continue reading Lucy Markerly: A Case Study of an Englishwoman’s Immigration to the Western Reserve in the 1830s<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1622,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[39910],"tags":[42010,41842,6920,42014,42018,42026],"class_list":["post-942","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-volume-4-issue-1-spring-2007","tag-4-1","tag-article","tag-immigration","tag-john-t-nelson","tag-lucy-markerly","tag-western-reserve"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/942","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1622"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=942"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/942\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":954,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/942\/revisions\/954"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=942"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=942"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/blogs.uakron.edu\/nojh\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=942"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}