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Copyright

Twenty Years Later, DMCA More Broken Than Ever

a lightbulb shatteringWith Section 512 of the DMCA, Congress sought to “preserve[] strong incentives for service providers and copyright owners to cooperate to detect and deal with copyright infringements that take place in the digital networked environment.”[1] Given the symbiotic relationship between copyright owners and service providers, Congress meant to establish an online ecosystem where both would take on the benefits and burdens of policing copyright infringement. This shared-responsibility approach was codified in the Section 512 safe harbors. But rather than service providers and copyright owners working together to prevent online piracy, Section 512 has turned into a notice-and-takedown regime where copyright owners do most of the work. This is not what Congress intended, and the main culprit is how the courts have misinterpreted Section 512’s red flag knowledge standards.

Several provisions in Section 512 demonstrate that Congress expected service providers to also play a role in preventing copyright infringement by doing some of the work in finding and removing infringing material. In order to benefit from the safe harbors, service providers must designate an agent to receive takedown notices, respond expeditiously to takedown notices, act upon representative lists, implement reasonable repeat infringer policies, and accommodate standard technical measures. But it’s also clear that service providers have the duty to remove infringing content even without input from copyright owners. As the Senate Report notes, “Section 512 does not require use of the notice and take-down procedure.”[2] And the knowledge provisions in Section 512 reflect this. Absent a takedown notice, service providers must, “upon obtaining . . . knowledge or awareness” of infringing material or activity, “act[] expeditiously to remove . . . the material” in order to maintain safe harbor protection.[3]

Under Section 512, there are two kinds of knowledge that trigger the removal obligation without input from the copyright owner—actual and red flag. For sites hosting user-uploaded content, actual knowledge is “knowledge that the material or an activity using the material on the system or network is infringing[4] and red flag knowledge is “aware[ness] of facts or circumstances from which infringing activity is apparent.”[5] Thus, actual knowledge requires knowledge that specific material (“the material”) or activity using that specific material (“activity using the material”) is actually infringing (“is infringing”), while red flag knowledge requires only general awareness (“aware[ness] of facts or circumstances”) that activity appears to be infringing (“is apparent”). There are similar knowledge provisions for search engines.[6]

Importantly, actual knowledge refers to “the material,” and red flag knowledge does not. It instead refers to “infringing activity”—and it’s not the infringing activity, but infringing activity generally.[7] However, with both actual and red flag knowledge, the service provider is obligated to remove “the material.”[8] With actual knowledge, the service provider doesn’t have to go looking for “the material” since it already has actual, subjective knowledge of it. But what about with red flag knowledge where the service provider only knows of “infringing activity” generally? How does it know “the material” to take down? The answer is simple: Once the service provider is subjectively aware of facts or circumstances from which infringing activity would be objectively apparent[9]—that is, once it has red flag knowledge—it has to investigate and find “the material” to remove.[10]

The examples given in the legislative history, which relate to search engines, show that red flag knowledge puts the burden on the service provider. As the Senate Report notes, merely viewing “one or more well known photographs of a celebrity at a site devoted to that person” would not hoist the red flag since the images might be licensed or fair use.[11] However, sites that are “obviously infringing because they . . . use words such as ‘pirate,’ ‘bootleg,’ or slang terms . . . to make their illegal purpose obvious . . . from even a brief and casual viewing” do raise the red flag.[12] And a search engine “that views such a site and then establishes a link to it . . . must do so without the benefit of a safe harbor.”[13] Thus, Congress didn’t want search engines worrying about questionable infringements on a small scale, but it also didn’t want search engines to catalog sites that are clearly dedicated to piracy. And, most importantly, red flag knowledge kicks in once a service provider looks at something that is “obviously pirate”—even if it’s an entire website.[14]

So how has Congress’s commonsensical plan worked out? Not very well. As of today, Google indexes nearly 1.5 million results from the infamous pirate site, The Pirate Bay.[15] Like the examples in the legislative history, The Pirate Bay has the word “pirate” in its title, and a brief viewing of the site reveals its obvious, infringing purpose. And it’s not like Google hasn’t been told that The Pirate Bay is dedicated to infringement—nor that it needs to be told. According to data from the Google Transparency Report,[16] the search engine has received requests to remove over 4 million URLs from thepiratebay.org domain alone. There are many other related domains, such as thepiratebay.se, that have received millions of requests as well. In fact, Google tells us that it has received requests to remove over 4 billion URLs from its search engine due to copyright infringement, with many domains receiving more than 10 million requests each.

So how is it that Google can index The Pirate Bay and not be worried about losing its safe harbor? The answer is that the courts have construed Section 512 in a way that contradicts the statutory text and Congress’s intent. They’ve all but read red flag knowledge out of Section 512 and placed the burden of policing infringement disproportionately on the copyright owner. And by narrowing the applicability of red flag knowledge, the courts have perversely incentivized service providers to do as little as possible to prevent infringements. Instead of looking into infringing activity of which they are subjectively aware, they are better off doing nothing lest they gain actual, specific knowledge that would remove their safe harbor protection.

A brief traverse through the case law, especially in the Second and Ninth Circuits, shows how the red flag knowledge train has been derailed. In Perfect 10 v. CCBill, the Ninth Circuit held that domains such as illegal.net and stolencelebritypics.com—the very sort of indicia mentioned in the legislative history—were not enough to raise the red flag.[17] According to the court, “describing photographs as ‘illegal’ or ‘stolen’ may be an attempt to increase their salacious appeal, rather than an admission that the photographs are actually illegal or stolen.”[18] While that’s certainly possible, it’s not likely. And it defies common sense. The Ninth Circuit concluded: “We do not place the burden of determining whether photographs are actually illegal on a service provider.”[19] But this misses the point, and it conflates red flag knowledge with actual knowledge.

The Second Circuit in Viacom v. YouTube held that the “difference between actual and red flag knowledge is . . . not between specific and generalized knowledge, but instead between a subjective and an objective standard.”[20] The court arrived there by focusing on the removal obligation, reasoning that “expeditious removal is possible only if the service provider knows with particularity which items to remove.”[21] And it rejected an “amorphous obligation” to investigate “in response to a generalized awareness of infringement.”[22] By limiting red flag knowledge to specific instances of infringement, the Second Circuit severely curtailed the obligations of service providers to police infringements on their systems. The entire point of red flag knowledge is to place a burden on the service provider to investigate the infringing activity further so that the specific material can be removed.[23]

The Ninth Circuit followed suit in UMG Recordings v. Shelter Capital, holding that red flag knowledge requires specificity.[24] The court reasoned that requiring “specific knowledge of particular infringing activity makes good sense” because it will “foster cooperation” between copyright owners and service providers “in dealing with infringement” online.[25] This “cooperation,” according to the Ninth Circuit, would come from takedown notices sent by copyright owners, who “know precisely what materials they own, and are thus better able to efficiently identify” infringing materials than service providers, “who cannot readily ascertain what material is copyrighted and what is not.”[26] Of course, this is not the shared-responsibility approach envisioned by Congress, and it conflates the red flag knowledge standards with the obligation to respond to takedown notices—separate provisions in Section 512.

Perhaps the most significant gutting of red flag knowledge can be found in the Second Circuit’s opinion in Capitol Records v. Vimeo.[27] The district court below had held that it was a question for the jury whether full-length music videos of current, famous songs that had been viewed by the service provider amounted to red flag knowledge.[28] But the Second Circuit disagreed that there was any jury question: “[T]he mere fact that a video contains all or substantially all of a piece of recognizable, or even famous, copyrighted music and was to some extent viewed . . . would be insufficient (without more) to sustain the copyright owner’s burden of showing red flag knowledge.”[29] That this gloss on red flag knowledge “reduces it to a very small category” was of “no significance,” the Second Circuit reasoned, since “the purpose of § 512(c) was to give service providers immunity, in exchange for augmenting the arsenal of copyright owners by creating the notice-and-takedown mechanism.”[30]

The Second Circuit thus held as a matter of law that there was no need for the factfinder to determine whether the material was so obviously infringing that it would raise the red flag. How is this a question of law and not fact? The court never explains. More importantly, this flies in the face of what Congress provided for with red flag knowledge, and it demotes Section 512 to being merely a notice-and-takedown regime where copyright owners are burdened with identifying infringements on URL-by-URL basis. Giving service providers a free pass when confronted with a red flag turns the Section 512 framework on its head. And it enables service providers to game the system and build business models on widespread, infringing content—even if they welcome it—so long as they respond to takedown notices. The end result is that an overwhelming amount of obvious infringements goes unchecked, and there’s essentially no cooperation between service providers and copyright owners as Congress intended.


[1] S. Rep. No. 105-190, at 40 (emphasis added); see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 49.

[2] Id. at 45; see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 54.

[3] 17 U.S.C. § 512(c)(1)(A)(iii); see also 17 U.S.C. § 512(d)(1)(C).

[4] Id. at § 512(c)(1)(A)(i) (emphasis added).

[5] Id. at § 512(c)(1)(A)(ii) (emphasis added).

[6] See id. at §§ 512(d)(1)(A)-(B).

[7] See 4-12B Nimmer on Copyright § 12B.04[A][1][b][ii] (“By contrast, to show that a ‘red flag’ disqualifies defendant from the safe harbor, the copyright owner must simply show that ‘infringing activity’ is apparent—pointedly, not ‘the infringing activity’ alleged in the complaint.” (emphasis in original)).

[8] 17 U.S.C. § 512(c)(1)(A)(iii)

[9] S. Rep. No. 105-190, at 44 (“The ‘red flag’ test has both a subjective and an objective element. In determining whether the service provider was aware of a ‘red flag,’ the subjective awareness of the service provider of the facts or circumstances in question must be determined. However, in deciding whether those facts or circumstances constitute a ‘red flag’–in other words, whether infringing activity would have been apparent to a reasonable person operating under the same or similar circumstances–an objective standard should be used.”); see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 53.

[10] Id at 48 (“Under this standard, a service provider would have no obligation to seek out copyright infringement, but it would not qualify for the safe harbor if it had turned a blind eye to ‘red flags’ of obvious infringement.”); see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 57.

[11] Id.; see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 57-58.

[12] Id.; see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 58.

[13] Id. at 48-49; see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 58.

[14] Id. at 49; see also H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(II), at 58.

[15] See The Pirate Bay, available at https://www.thepiratebay.org/.

[16] See Google Transparency Report, available at https://transparencyreport.google.com/.

[17] See Perfect 10, Inc. v. CCBill LLC, 488 F.3d 1102 (9th Cir. 2007).

[18] Id. at 1114.

[19] Id.

[20] Viacom Int’l, Inc. v. YouTube, Inc., 676 F.3d 19, 31 (2d Cir. 2012).

[21] Id. at 30.

[22] Id. at 30-31.

[23] See, e.g., H.R. Rep. No. 105-551(I), at 26 (“Once one becomes aware of such information, however, one may have an obligation to check further.”).

[24] UMG Recordings, Inc. v. Shelter Capital Partners LLC, 718 F.3d 1006 (9th Cir. 2013).

[25] Id. at 1021-22.

[26] Id. at 1022.

[27] Capitol Records, LLC v. Vimeo, LLC, 826 F.3d 78 (2d Cir. 2016).

[28] Capitol Records, LLC v. Vimeo, LLC, 972 F. Supp. 2d 537, 549 (S.D.N.Y. 2013) (“[B]ased on the type of music the videos used here—songs by well-known artists, whose names were prominently displayed—and the placement of the songs within the video (played in virtually unaltered form for the entirety of the video), a jury could find that Defendants had ‘red flag’ knowledge of the infringing nature of the videos.”).

[29] Capitol Records, 826 F.3d at 94 (emphasis in original).

[30] Id. at 97.


I presented this at the Fordham IP Conference on April 25, 2019. My oral presentation is here, and the accompanying slides are here.

Categories
Economic Study Patents

Empirical Study Confirms Positive Relationship Among Patents, Technological Progress, and Societal Benefit

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"We “stand on the shoulder of giants,” goes the famous adage. In a groundbreaking new law review article, Does Patented Information Promote the Progress of Technology?, Cardozo Law’s Jonathan H. Ashtor examines the relationship among patents, information theory, and their corresponding benefits to society and technology. His study applies economic theory to empirical patent data, concluding that a patent’s disclosure, and hence its informational content, has a positive technological impact on society beyond any limited private monopoly bestowed on the inventor. The paper was supported with a research grant from CPIP’s Leonardo da Vinci Fellowship Research Program.

Today’s populist, conventional wisdom is that patents are monopolies that block public benefits and restrict innovative behavior. Ashtor’s research reveals the opposite. He explains that “this study finds that the greater the information content of a patent’s disclosure, the higher the probability it will be held valid, and in turn, the larger its expected positive impact on the development of future technologies.” Combining an in-depth review of the underlying economic theories around the role of the patent system’s information dissemination function with a rigorous empirical study methodology, Ashtor confirms that valid patents have a greater positive impact on future technologies.

Economic Theory Validates Patent System’s Ultimate Societal Benefits

Academics often cite a variety of theories underlying the fundamental benefits of the patent system. But, at its core, the patent system is a quid pro quo between the private benefit of the grant of a limited monopoly in exchange for the public dissemination of the knowledge of a discovery, in turn, allowing others to build upon this information. While the U.S. Constitution enshrines this concept for promoting the “useful Arts,” (Art. 1, sec. 8, cl. 8), the theory around this bargain dates back thousands of years.

Modern economic patent theories are rooted in classics such as Aristotle’s Politics, in which the ancient Greeks advocated for recognition, awards, and honors for the achievements of discoverers. The “storehouse of knowledge” theory states that patent activity contributes to expanding public storehouse of knowledge. Relatedly, the “prospect theory” advances an understanding that the opportunity to obtain a patent monopoly creates the incentive for investment in research for new inventions. Finally, the “innovation theory” infers that patents are necessary to induce people to put existing inventions to practical use. Together, these theories speak to how patents on discoveries ultimately contribute to the public’s benefit.

Moving beyond these traditional concepts, Ashtor’s paper explores the economic “tradeoff theory” of patents. First appearing in Nobel Laureate William Nordhaus’ famous 1969 article regarding the technological development process, tradeoff theory states that when the patent disclosure function works properly, patents tend to promote technological progress notwithstanding the exclusive monopoly rights. Ashtor explains that tradeoff theory supports the idea that more robust patents have the greatest positive impact on technological development. He observes that “[p]atent law provides a convenient lens through which to observe the impact of a patent on future technology.” Conversely, invalid patents, such as those lacking novelty, are found to have the weakest impact on future technologies. (Ashtor notes that even an invalidated patent is useful; it is prior art and can also guide future technological development.) While this causal relationship may be intuitive for some, Ashtor uses empirical evidence to back it up.

Empirical Analysis Verifies Positive Impact of Patents

Employing a solid empirical research methodology, the study examines patents and data obtained from federal court patent litigation records, along with input from the USPTO’s Office of Economic Analysis. In essence, the study charts the impact of future patented technological progress as a product of the resulting new patents filed (noted through the use of forward citations). Forward citations are widely used as a measure of innovation, particularly when comparing patented technology in a broad range of fields. Ashtor’s study relies on a dataset of approximately 1,000 U.S. patents. A multitude of variables are considered in determining whether the patents are demonstrating this positive effect, including the number patent claims, the length of the respective patent claims, the size of the patent family, the number of inventors, the written description’s length, the vintage of the patents, and the adjudicated validity or invalidity.

The study incorporates data modeling and log-linear regression analysis. It then measures future technological innovation through indicia such as future additional patents or other cumulative innovation. For example, by counting the number of additional citations each patent generates, one can assess the impact, including the follow-on technological advancement regardless whether they are subsequently validated or invalidated patents. Ashtor’s models are designed to consider, and overcome, various systemic challenges, such as biases in the dataset or other idiosyncrasies.

Information Theory Supports the Value of Patents

At the heart of Ashtor’s paper is a discussion about how the information contained in a patent disclosure has real value not only for the inventor, but also for the public at large. The debate around intellectual property often conjures fear that it “locks up” public knowledge or somehow “holds up” progress. But Professor Nordhaus’ tradeoff theory demonstrates that “patents do not provide permanent or very powerful exclusive rights over information.” In fact, the very dissemination of information arising from the patent system leads to real public benefits. It’s critical to understand that a patent protects the disclosed inventions, not the underlying ideas. Ashtor demonstrates that the patent system is critical to the dissemination of knowledge.

Ashtor’s study validates the tradeoff theory of patents. Namely, the tradeoff arising from the societal benefit of a valid patent’s information disclosure is generally greater than the restrictions from the private right of exclusivity due to any patent monopoly. Hence, valid patents promote more technological progress than invalid patents. The way in which patents are invalidated corresponds to varying impacts on technology, and Ashtor’s empirical data demonstrates a direct relationship between a patent’s technological impact and certain intrinsic characteristics of its disclosure. Generally, valid patents tend to have greater information content than invalid ones.

Human Genome Project Provides Perspective

The importance of Ashtor’s research is highlighted through the additional context of a case study. He considers how patent activity impacts cutting-edge fields like health care and molecular biology. While prior studies have looked at gene patenting activity surrounding the Human Genome Project (HGP), they’ve largely been limited to examinations of follow-on activity arising from both the publicly available patented information and the gene patenting activity by private firms. Ashtor is quick to note that past studies around the Human Genome Project do not “directly address cumulative innovation of patented technologies,” the focus of his exploration. Ashtor argues that all of the gene-related patents flowing from the HGP illustrate the positive impact of future patented technological progress. He concludes that his case study hence shows that the resulting gene patenting activity from the HGP supports the tradeoff theory of patents.

Ashtor’s study is groundbreaking, empirically rigorous, and provides much for future researchers to consider. As skeptics of intellectual property continue to voice their doubts, it’s critical to understand the societal benefits that patents confer. Ashtor’s work takes a step in the right direction, and we can expect other researchers will stand on his shoulders as they build upon his work.

Ashtor’s article was recently published in the Northwestern University Law Review, and the full text can be downloaded here: https://scholarlycommons.law.northwestern.edu/nulr/vol113/iss5/2/