Tag: Department of Justice

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Antitrust Patents

Jonathan Barnett on Competition Regulators and Standard-Essential Patents

The following post comes from Connor Sherman, a 2L at Scalia Law and a Research Assistant at CPIP.

circuit boardBy Connor Sherman

The field of intellectual property (IP) can sometimes be wrong in its approach towards promoting economic health, especially when that approach overlaps with antitrust law. An example of this is laid out in a new article by CPIP Senior Fellow for Innovation Policy Jonathan Barnett at Competition Policy International’s Antitrust Chronical entitled How and Why Almost Every Competition Regulator Was Wrong About Standard-Essential Patents. In the article, Prof. Barnett explains how antitrust regulators discourage investment and limit innovation when they take enforcement actions without first gathering rigorous evidence of market harm.

A standard-essential patent (SEP) is a core innovation that entire industries build upon—in other words, an innovation that is necessary to include in a product in order to comply with an industry specific standard. A business cannot just slap Wi-Fi or Bluetooth onto its new smart lightbulb without including the functions associated with those standards. This protects consumers from false advertising, but it also protects the goodwill or quality assured by those standards.

For many years, the consensus among academics, courts, and general opinion has been that the owners of these SEPs will, if given the chance, engage in a form of economic harm called a “patent holdup.” As used in the article, a holdup can be understood as raising the cost of using a patent once it has been identified as a standard innovation. In response to this consensus, regulators have attempted to use antitrust law to prevent patent holdup from occurring.

However, Prof. Barnett encourages skepticism of this premise for several reasons. Most prominently, claims of patent holdup often will fail to meet the basic antitrust injury standard of causing competitive harm. In fact, more often than not, legal issues relating to the licensing of SEPs are resolved under exactly the fields of law one would expect—that is, under patent law with regard to the validity of the patent and under contract law with regard to the validity of the licensing agreement. Another reason presented by Prof. Barnett is the lack of empirical evidence of the expected harm to justify the intervention. Without sound evidence of anticompetitive harm, it makes little sense to employ policies aimed at preventing the nonexistent harm from occurring.

Both the 1995 and 2017 Antitrust Guidelines, issued by the Department of Justice and the Federal Trade Commission, view IP licensing as having procompetitive effects, yet the actions of regulatory agencies have been inconsistent with that understanding. Prof. Barnett states that the rush to include antitrust considerations may reflect an ongoing failure to appreciate the functionality of patent licensing agreements. After all, if a patented innovation demonstrably harms competition in an already established industry, one can presume that the innovation was either so obvious as to be improperly issued or so revolutionary as to deserve the benefits provided by the patent. In the former situation, that patent will likely be invalidated, and in the latter, the patent owner deserves the reward for creating a useful innovation.

Prof. Barnett states that a strong indictment of the current policy is reflected in the Ninth Circuit’s opinion in FTC v. Qualcomm, which overturned the lower court’s imposition of an antitrust penalty based on an erroneous view of SEPs. The lower court’s position was that Qualcomm would continue to invest in innovation under the same licensing-based business model while receiving lower rewards. Prof. Barnett argues that the more likely outcome would have been for Qualcomm to begin vertical integration, freeing it from the duty to deal with obligations of antitrust law. He then explains that the hypothetical harm of patent holdup would be minor compared to the harm that would occur from encouraging the consolidation of businesses around closely guarded, industry-changing innovations.

Prof. Barnett reasons that where patents are weak and antitrust laws are strict, the monetization structure of firms will be internal—even if funding for innovations remains robust. In the inverse situation, however, the range of feasible monetization structures are expanded to include third party firms. Thus, Prof. Barnett argues that in such a situation, an IP owner will be encouraged to license out its patents to all interested users at a modest rate in order to encourage widespread adoption of the invention.

It remains to be settled whether the long-held skepticism of SEP licensing is counterproductive, as Prof. Barnett claims. However, if Prof. Barnett is correct, this period of SEP uncertainty will perhaps provide an excellent lesson about enacting antitrust policy without the empirical evidence to back it up.

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Antitrust Innovation Patent Licensing

IP for the Next Generation of Mobile Technology: How the Antitrust Division Devalued Standard-Essential Patents

In advance of our Sixth Annual Fall Conference on IP for the Next Generation of Technology, we are highlighting works on the challenges brought by the revolutionary developments in mobile technology of the past fifteen years.

hand holding a phone with holographs hovering over the screenAs we highlighted in previous posts in this series (see here and here), a 2015 policy change at the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers-Standards Association (IEEE)—a standard-setting organization (SSO) for mobile technologies—placed one-sided restrictions on patent owners that have demonstrably harmed innovator participation and technological advancement.

Writing about the policy revisions, economist Gregory Sidak, the Founder and Chairman of Criterion Economics LLC in Washington, D.C., explains how the IEEE made these profound changes to its patent licensing policies with the encouragement and blessing of the Antitrust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice. The amendments were intended to ameliorate the supposed problems of patent holdup and royalty stacking, but they went much further than necessary and weakened the rights of patent owners in the process.

Despite the lack of evidence of harm from patent holdup or royalty stacking, the Antitrust Division commended the IEEE for changing its policies. Mr. Sidak notes that the Antitrust Division simultaneously turned a blind eye to the collusion of the implementers who had pushed for the changes (and who benefited from them by way of suppressed royalty obligations at the expense of the patent owners), and he argues that this course of action was a dereliction of duty on the part of the Antitrust Division to dispassionately assess the competitive implications of such concerted activity.

To read the Sidak article, which was published in the Georgetown Law Journal, please click here.

Categories
Antitrust Patent Licensing

Department of Justice Recognizes Importance of Reliable Patent Rights in Innovation Economy

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"It is undeniable that the patent system has been under stress for the past decade, as courts, regulators, and even the Patent Office itself (as the newly confirmed Director Andrei Iancu has acknowledged) have sowed legal uncertainty, weakened patent rights, and even outright eliminated patent rights. This is why a series of recent speeches by Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim—head of the Antitrust Division at the Department of Justice—have signaled an important and welcome policy change from the past decade. It’s just one step, but it’s an important first step to restoring reliability and predictability to property rights in patents, which, as Director Iancu has also been saying in recent speeches, drives innovation and economic growth by promoting investments by inventors, venture capitalists, and companies in the new inventions that make modern life a veritable miracle today.

Delrahim’s speeches are important because one significant point of stress for the patent system and the innovation economy over the past decade has occurred at the intersection of antitrust law and the licensing of patents in standard setting organizations (SSOs). Many people are unaware of this particular issue, and it’s understandable why it flies under the radar screen. The technical standards set by SSOs are the things that make everything work, such as electrical plugs, toasters, and pencils, among millions of other products and services, but they are not obvious to everyday consumers who use these products. Also, antitrust law is a complex domain of lawyers, policy-makers and economists. Still, the patented innovation that comprises technical standards, such as 4G, WiFi, USB, memory storage chips, and other key features of our smart phones and computers, have been essential drivers of innovation in the telecommunications revolution of the past several decades.

In a series of recent speeches, Delrahim has signaled an important and welcome change from his predecessors in how antitrust law will be applied to patented technology that is contributed to the standards that drive innovation in the high-tech industry. Delrahim’s predecessors at the DOJ gave many speeches criticizing (and instigating investigations of) alleged “anti-competitive behavior” by patent owners on technical standards. The DOJ’s approach was one-sided, unbalanced, and lacked evidence confirming the allegations of anti-competitive behavior. Instead, Delrahim is emphasizing the key importance of promoting and properly securing to innovators the technology they create through their long-term, risky, and multi-billion-dollar R&D investments (as succinctly described in two paragraphs here about Qualcomm’s R&D in 5G by an official at the Department of Treasury).

Delrahim has announced that he will return to an evidence-based, balanced antitrust policy at the DOJ. He will not take action against innovators unless there is real-world evidence of consumer harm or proven harm to the development of innovation. The absence of such evidence is well known among scholars and policy-makers. In February 2018, for instance, a group of scholars, former government officials, and judges wrote that “no empirical study has demonstrated that a patent-owner’s request for injunctive relief after a finding of a defendant’s infringement of its property rights has ever resulted either in consumer harm or in slowing down the pace of technological innovation.” It’s significant that Delrahim has announced that the DOJ will constrain its enforcement actions with basic procedural and substantive safeguards long provided to citizens in courts, such as requiring actual evidence to prove assertions of harm. This guards against unfettered and arbitrary regulatory overreach against innocent owners of private property rights. This self-restraint is even more important when overreach negatively impacts innovation, which portends badly for economic growth and the flourishing lives we have all come to expect with our high-tech products and services.

For example, Delrahim has rightly recognized that “patent holdup” theory is just that—a theory about systemic market failure that remains unproven by extensive empirical studies. Even more concerning, “patent holdup” theory—the theory that patent owners will exploit their ability to seek injunctions to protect their property rights and thus “holdup” commercial implementers by demanding exorbitantly high royalties for the use of their technology—is directly contradicted by the economic evidence of the smart phone industry itself. The smart phone industry is one of the most patent-intensive industries in the U.S. innovation economy; thus, “patent holdup” theory hypothesizes that there will be higher prices, slower technological development, and less and less new development of products and services. Instead, as everyone knows, smart phones—such as the Apple iPhone and the Samsung Galaxy, among many others—are defined by rapidly dropping quality-controlled prices, explosive growth in products and services, and incredibly fast technological innovation. The 5G revolution is right around the corner, which will finally make real the promise of the Internet of Things.

In sum, Delrahim has repeatedly stated that antitrust officials must respect the equal rights of all stakeholders in the innovation industries—the inventors creating fundamental technological innovation, the rights of the companies who implement this innovation, and the consumers who purchase these products and services. This requires restraining investigations and enforcement actions to evidence, and not acting solely on the basis of unproven theories, colorful anecdotes, or rhetorical narratives developed inside D.C. by lobbyists and activists (such as “patent trolls”). This is good governance, which is what fosters ongoing investments in the R&D that makes possible the inventions that drives new technological innovation in smart phones and in the innovation economy more generally.

We will delve more deeply into the substantive issues and implications of Delrahim’s recent speeches in follow-on essays. Since his speeches have been delivered over the course of the past six months, we have aggregated them here in one source. Read them and come back for further analyses of these important speeches (and more speeches that will likely come, which we will keep adding to the list below):

  • November 10, 2017. In a speech at the University of Southern California, Gould School of Law, Assistant Attorney General Delrahim discussed why patent holdout is a bigger problem than patent hold-up. “[T]he hold-up and hold-out problems are not symmetric. What do I mean by that? It is important to recognize that innovators make an investment before they know whether that investment will ever pay off. If the implementers hold out, the innovator has no recourse, even if the innovation is successful.” He further noted that antitrust law has a role to play in preventing the concerted anticompetitive actions that occur during holdout.
  • February 1, 2018. In a speech at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, Delrahim noted that the proper antitrust focus should be on protecting the innovative process, not “short-term pricing” considerations. With this focus, using antitrust remedies should be approached with “caution.”
  • February 21, 2018. In a speech at the College of Europe, in Brussels Belgium, Delrahim observed that antitrust enforcers have aggressively tried to police patent license terms deemed excessive, and “have strayed too far in the direction of accommodating the concerns of technology licensees who participate in standard setting bodies, very likely at the risk of undermining incentives for the creation of new and innovative technologies.” The real problem and solution he noted is that the “dueling interests of innovators and implementers always are in tension, but the tension is best resolved through free market competition and bargaining.”
  • March 16, 2018. In a speech at the University of Pennsylvania Law School, Delrahim expanded on his detailed remarks from his talk at USC by adding some historical context from the founding fathers. He also made the core point that “patent hold-up is not an antitrust problem,” noting that FRAND commitments from patent owners are part of the normal competitive process and are therefore appropriately policed by contract and common law remedies. He further describes the necessary impacts of having a right to exclude in the patent right, including that the “unilateral and unconditional refusal to license a patent should be considered per se”
  • April 10, 2018. In a keynote address at the LeadershIP Conference on IP, Antitrust, and Innovation Policy in Washington, D.C., Delrahim emphasized the harm that can occur when “advocacy positions lead to unsupportable or even detrimental legal theories when taken out of context.” He specifically noted that some advocacy about patent hold-up could undermine standard setting as “putative licensees have been emboldened to stretch antitrust theories beyond their rightful application, and that courts have indulged these theories at the risk of undermining patent holders’ incentives to participate in standard setting at all.”
Categories
Copyright Copyright Licensing

SONA and Songwriters Fight DOJ’s Misguided 100% Licensing Rule

Things are heating up in the lawsuit filed by Songwriters of North America and three of its members (SONA) challenging the new gloss of the Department of Justice (DOJ) on the 75-year-old consent decrees that govern the licensing practices of ASCAP and BMI, the two largest performance rights organizations (PROs). SONA sued the DOJ on September 13, 2016, questioning the DOJ’s reinterpretation of the consent decrees to require the PROs to license all of the works in their repertories on a 100% basis. As reported by Billboard yesterday, CPIP Senior Scholar & Director, Copyright Research and Policy Sandra Aistars is assisting SONA’s legal team at Gerard Fox Law PC in the litigation.

After completing a two-year review of the ASCAP and BMI consent decrees, the DOJ issued a statement on August 4, 2016, concluding that the decrees require the two PROs to offer only “full-work licenses.” On this view, the PROs would not be able to continue licensing the fractional interests in the musical compositions owned by the songwriters they represent. As the U.S. Copyright Office noted in early-2016, such fractional licensing is a “longstanding practice of the music industry.” Nevertheless, the DOJ claimed that the change “should not meaningfully disrupt the status quo in the licensing of public performance rights.”

This assertion was immediately challenged by the PROs. ASCAP President Paul Williams issued a statement that same day vowing to work with BMI “to overturn the DOJ’s decision” in both Congress and the courts. BMI filed a letter with District Judge Louis L. Stanton, who oversees BMI’s consent decree, announcing its intention to seek a declaration that the decree “does not require 100% licensing.” Six weeks later, Judge Stanton issued an opinion declaring that BMI’s consent decree “neither bars fractional licensing nor requires full-work licensing.” The victory was celebrated as a win for songwriters, and both ASCAP and BMI issued statements praising the decision. The DOJ has since appealed the issue to the Second Circuit.

In its complaint filed in the District of Columbia, SONA argues that the DOJ’s 100% licensing rule violates songwriters’ due process rights, both substantive and procedural, under the Fifth Amendment as well as the Administrative Procedures Act. Calling the DOJ’s rule “a dramatic departure from the status quo,” SONA points out that it will “limit and undermine the creative and economic activities” of songwriters by forcing them to “undertake the burdensome and potentially costly process of revisiting and amending their core business practices, private contracts, and collaborative relationships” in order to comply.

Arguing that the case should be dismissed, the DOJ challenges the standing of SONA to even invoke the court’s jurisdiction. The DOJ claims that any harm caused by the consent decrees is too speculative and remote to create an actual case or controversy, and it suggests that no songwriters have been deprived of any protected liberty or property interest under the Due Process Clause. In its opposition brief filed this past Tuesday, SONA strongly opposes that contention:

[P]laintiffs have alleged and will prove at trial that [the DOJ’s] new rule has caused immediate injuries and will cause imminent injuries to each plaintiff, thus establishing standing. Plaintiffs have also pleaded facts sufficient to show that the government’s action is interfering with their freedom to contract, freedom of association, and freedom of speech, and that the government has taken their valuable intellectual-property rights without compensation, thus violating plaintiffs’ substantive and procedural due-process rights.

Admonishing the DOJ’s “casual disregard for the welfare and livelihoods of America’s songwriters,” SONA points out that, under the DOJ’s new rule, songwriters will:

  • Be deprived of the ability to choose the PRO that will license their shares of coauthored works;
  • Be required to withdraw works from representation by ASCAP or BMI;
  • Have songs that they must license outside of the PRO system;
  • Need to cede administrative control over their copyrights, including the right to collect royalties, to unaffiliated third parties;
  • Be compelled to renegotiate existing contractual relationships on a song-by-song basis;
  • Be forced to consider whether they should decline to collaborate with creators who are not members of the same PRO; and
  • Have reason to consider withdrawing from ASCAP or BMI altogether.

    • Now that President Trump is in office, there is new leadership at the DOJ. Jeff Sessions was sworn in as the U.S. Attorney General earlier today, and Brent Snyder took over as acting director of the DOJ’s Antitrust Division less than three weeks ago. Just last week, the DOJ asked the Second Circuit for an extra 90 days to file its opening brief in its appeal of Judge Stanton’s ruling that the BMI consent decree does not require 100% licensing. According to the DOJ, the “requested extension is necessary to allow new leadership in the Department of Justice adequate time to familiarize themselves with the issues.” Perhaps there is hope that the DOJ will discontinue its misguided push for a 100% licensing rule that will inevitably threaten the livelihoods of songwriters.