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Administrative Agency Commercialization Copyright Copyright Licensing Infringement Innovation Internet Legislation Supreme Court Uncategorized

Letter on FCC Set-Top Box Regulation Once Again Confuses the Issue

Washington, D.C. at nightLast week, a group of law professors wrote a letter to the acting Librarian of Congress in which they claim that the current FCC proposal to regulate cable video navigation systems does not deprive copyright owners of the exclusive rights guaranteed by the Copyright Act. The letter repeats arguments from response comments they  filed along with the Electronic Frontier Foundation (EFF), accusing the Copyright Office of misinterpreting the scope of copyright law and once again bringing up Sony v. Universal to insist that copyright owners are overstepping their bounds. Unfortunately, the IP professors’ recurring reliance on Sony is misplaced, as the 30-year-old case does not address the most significant and troubling copyright violations that will result from the FCC’s proposed rules.

In 1984, the Supreme Court in Sony held that recording television shows on a personal VCR was an act of “time-shifting” and therefor did not constitute copyright infringement. The court also ruled that contributory liability requires knowledge, and such knowledge will not be imputed to a defendant based solely on the characteristics or design of a distributed product if that product is “capable of substantial noninfringing uses.” But while this precedent remains good law today, it does not apply to the real concerns creators and copyright owners have with the FCC’s attempt to redistribute their works without authorization.

The FCC’s proposed rules would require pay-TV providers to send copyrighted, licensed TV programs to third parties, even if the transmission would violate the agreements that pay-TV providers carefully negotiated with copyright owners. A different group of IP scholars recently explained to the FCC that by forcing pay-TV providers to exceed the scope of their licenses, the proposed rules effectively create a zero-rate compulsory license and undermine the property rights of creators and copyright owners. The compulsory license would benefit third-party recipients of the TV programs who have no contractual relationship with either the copyright owners or pay-TV providers, depriving creators and copyright owners of the right to license their works on their own terms.

This unauthorized siphoning and redistribution of copyrighted works would occur well before the programming reaches the in-home navigational device, a fact that the authors of the recent letter to the Librarian of Congress either don’t understand, or choose to ignore. Creators and copyright owners are not attempting to “exert control over the market for video receivers,” as the letter suggests. The manufacture and distribution of innovative devices that allow consumers to access the programming to which they subscribe is something that copyright owners and creators embrace, and a thriving market for such devices already exists.

As more consumers resort to cord cutting, countless options have become available in terms of navigational devices and on-demand streaming services. Apple TV, Roku, Nexus Player and Amazon Fire Stick are just a few of the digital media players consumers can choose from, and more advanced devices are  always being released. But while the creative community supports the development of these devices, it is the circumvention of existing licenses and disregard for the rights of creators to control their works that has artists and copyright owners worried.

Sony has become a rallying cry for those arguing that copyright owners are attempting to control and stymie the development of new devices and technologies, but these critics neglect the substantial problems presented by the transmission of digital media that Sony couldn’t predict and does not address. In the era of the VCR, there was no Internet over which television was broadcast into the home. In 1984, once a VCR manufacturer sold a unit, they ceased to have any control over the use of the machine. Consumers could use VCRs to record television or play video cassettes as they pleased, and the manufacturer wouldn’t benefit from their activity either way.

The difference with the current navigation device manufacturers is that they will receive copyrighted TV programs to which they’ll have unbridled liberty to repackage and control before sending them to the in-home navigation device. The third-party device manufacturers will not only be able to tamper with the channel placement designed to protect viewer experience and brand value, they will also be able to insert their own advertising into the delivery of the content, reducing pay-tv ad revenue and the value of the license agreements that copyright owners negotiate with pay-TV providers. The FCC’s proposal isn’t really about navigational devices, it’s about the control of creative works and the building of services around TV programs that the FCC plans to distribute to third parties free of any obligation to the owners and creators of those programs.

The authors of the letter conflate two distinct issues, misleading influential decision makers that may not be as well versed in the intricacies of copyright law. By stubbornly comparing the copyright issues surrounding the FCC’s proposed rules to those considered by the Supreme Court in Sony, they craftily try to divert attention away from the real matter at hand: Not what consumers do with the creative works they access in the privacy of their own homes, but how those works are delivered to consumers’ homes in the first place.

It’s curious that after many rounds of back-and-forth comments discussing the FCC’s proposal, proponents of the rules still refuse to address this primary copyright concern that has been continuously raised by creators and copyright owners in corresponding comments, articles, and letters (see also here, here, here, and here). Perhaps the authors of the recent letter simply do not grasp the real implications of the FCC’s plan to seize and redistribute copyrighted content, but given their years of copyright law experience, that is unlikely. More probable is that they recognize the complications inherent in the proposal, but do not have a good answer to the questions raised by the proposal’s critics, so they choose instead to cloud the issue with a similar-sounding but separate issue. But if they truly want to make progress in the set-top box debate and clear the way for copyright compliant navigational devices, they’ll need to do more than fall back on the same, irrelevant arguments.

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Biotech Innovation Patent Law Uncategorized

Proposed CREATES Act Threatens Patent Owners’ Rights

By Erika Lietzan, Kevin Madigan, & Mark Schultz

scientist looking through a microscopeEarlier this month, a bipartisan group of Senators introduced the Creating and Restoring Equal Access to Equivalent Samples Act (or CREATES Act). The proposed bill is aimed at deterring what the bill’s author, Sen. Patrick Leahy, claimed were “inappropriate delay tactics that are used by some brand-name drug manufacturers to block competition from more affordable generic drugs.” Whether the bill would produce the intended consequences is the subject of some debate, but we thought it important to point out some (hopefully) unintended consequences: The CREATES Act would impose vague standards and draconian remedy provisions to force innovators to surrender their intellectual property rights for the benefit of generic competitors.

The CREATES Act

It’s no surprise that the legislation might generate unintended consequences, as it would add further complexity to an already challenging regulatory scheme for approving drugs.

As a general rule, for a generic drug manufacturer to get permission to market a duplicate of an already approved drug, it usually[1] must have access to samples of the already approved drug. The generic drug company uses these samples in the bioequivalence studies required in its abbreviated new drug application. The same general principle applies to companies developing biosimilar versions of already approved biological medicines; they conduct comparative trials for approval of their abbreviated applications, and these trials generally require samples of the “reference” product. In addition, FDA sometimes[2] requires drug and biologic manufacturers to develop risk evaluation and mitigations strategies (REMS) if safety measures beyond standard labeling are needed to ensure that the product’s benefits outweigh its risks. These REMS can include elements to assure safe use (ETASU)—essentially, a system of use or distribution restrictions—if necessary to mitigate a specific serious risk. A generic or biosimilar manufacturer seeking to distribute its version of a product that is subject to a risk management distribution program must generally develop its own system or negotiate to share the existing system.

The CREATES Act is spurred by concerns that innovators are hampering competition by strategically exploiting these regulatory requirements imposed on their generic and biosimilar competitors. That is, critics contend that innovators are raising barriers that prevent their generic and biosimilar competitors from obtaining samples of the reference drug and from participating in existing distribution programs.

While the FTC and members of Congress have raised these concerns before, the concerns are particularly topical because of the controversy surrounding Turing Pharmaceuticals and its notorious former CEO Martin Shkreli (described by one publication as the most-hated man in America). Turing is a small company that acquired the only license to market the off-patent drug Daraprim and raised the price by over 5000%, meanwhile preventing potential competitors from obtaining samples for use in developing a competing supply. While Turing is a small company marketing an off-patent drug, its actions have been misattributed (through confusion or purposeful obfuscation) to mainstream, R&D-intensive innovative drug companies.

The CREATES Act proposes to prevent strategic exploitation of regulatory requirements by giving generic and biosimilar manufacturers their own strategic advantage in their negotiations with competitors – the threat of a lawsuit. The Act would give these follow–on developers the ability to sue their competitors to obtain samples of any drugs that they wish to use as references in testing for approval of generic and biosimilar versions. Follow–on drug developers could also sue their competitors to be allowed to share in existing distribution systems.

Although the Act contemplates that the parties will negotiate with respect to purchase of samples and sharing of any distribution system already in place, it would decisively shift bargaining power in favor of follow-on competitors. To begin with, it imposes unreasonable deadlines on innovators—for instance, one month to manufacture and provide samples, after which the follow–on applicant may sue. Also, it creates enormous liability exposure. If the plaintiff proves its case, the court will order the innovator to provide “sufficient” quantities of its product for testing and, if applicable, to share its REMS distribution system with its follow–on competitor. Further, the court must award not only reasonable attorney fees and costs, but also a “monetary amount sufficient to deter” the innovator from failing to provide other applicants with sufficient quantities, or failing to share its risk management system, as applicable. The “maximum” award—which will surely be taken as a suggestion at least of the magnitude envisioned—is the total revenue on the product for every day that the innovator failed to provide samples or to agree to share its developed risk management system. It bears no rational relationship to any harm suffered by the follow–on applicant and is functionally punitive.

The CREATES Act Creates Potential Intellectual Property Problems

The CREATES Act raises two significant intellectual property issues. Essentially, it would create a mechanism to force innovators and patent owners to supply their products and intellectual property to their competitors.

First, it would require an intellectual property owner to make its product for the benefit of a competitor. The Act allows a generic or biosimilar applicant to sue for drug samples to use in testing. In many instances, those drugs will still be under patent. While the so-called Bolar provision permits a generic or biosimilar applicant to conduct tests during the patent term, the CREATES Act turns the Bolar shield into a sword by empowering a court to order a company to provide its patented drug to a potential competitor. This, in turn, will require the company to manufacture the drug for that competitor. Whether it makes a small or large supply for the market, it will need to adjust its production to ensure supplies for its competitor as well, and indeed as many competitors as want samples. This conflicts directly with a basic and valued tenet of the patent system in the United States: we do not require a patent owner to practice his or her invention. In short, the CREATES Act directs courts to order patent owners to practice their patents for the benefit of others.

Second, it would require a drug company with intellectual property rights in a REMS distribution system to forego those rights for the benefit of a competitor. The Act allows a generic or biosimilar applicant to sue the innovator in order to use the specific risk management system that the innovator developed. Although current law creates a default rule that generic drug companies and drug innovators should use a single shared system, there is no such default rule for biosimilar companies and biologic innovators. And the default for generic drugs is simply a default; FDA may waive the default if, for instance, some aspect of the system is claimed by a patent or subject to trade secret protection. This bill would authorize the court to order the innovator to share its system, regardless of any unexpired patent or trade secret protection. It short, it permits courts to order intellectual property holders to surrender their intellectual property or face the threat of monetary penalties.

An innovator may have lawful and legitimate reasons for declining to manufacture its patented product for its competitors and for declining to share its patented risk management system with those competitors. Yet, the unreasonable deadlines and punitive liability provisions of the CREATES Act mean that it will have little scope to resist the demands of its competitors. This essentially nullifies the innovator’s intellectual property—which will discourage future investment and innovation in the pharmaceutical industry.

Important IP Rights in Safety Systems: The Example of Celgene

The IP problems unleashed by the CREATES Act are illustrated by their effect on the IP rights and incentives of a company such as the Celgene Corporation (which submitted a statement on the bill to the Senate Judiciary Committee). Celgene is an innovative biopharmaceutical company that focuses on treatments for cancer and immune–inflammatory related diseases in patients with limited treatment options. The company’s first approved drug was Thalomid, initially approved by FDA for leprosy and then approved for its primary indication—multiple myeloma, a particularly pernicious form of blood and bone marrow cancer. The active ingredient of Celgene’s product, thalidomide, is a powerful teratogen, causing severe disfiguring birth defects. It was marketed in other parts of the world in the late 1950s and early 1960s as a treatment for morning sickness in women, and FDA has estimated that more than 10,000 children in 46 countries were born with severe birth defects attributable to thalidomide. As a result of this history and the special risks associated with this life–saving medicine, Celgene developed an extremely detailed and meticulous protocol dedicated to ensure safe distribution, prescription, and use. Essentially, Celgene’s innovative contribution was inventing a safe way to use an otherwise dangerous drug to fight cancer. The company’s special system for managing the risk of thalidomide is formalized at FDA as the “elements to assure safe use” portion of a REMS. It is also subject to patent protection.

The CREATES Act would force companies such as Celgene to share the proprietary elements of their REMS programs. It would give the company the choice: share its patent system or face a lawsuit that might result in catastrophic damages and mandatory sharing anyway. This functionally nullifies the patent. This, in turn, would discourage innovation and investment in the programs. The essence of thalidomide, and other drugs subject to use and distribution restrictions, is that these drugs require special programs. Their benefits do not outweigh their risks, without these special programs in place. If functionally nullifying the innovator’s patent protection means the innovator will not invest in creative solutions to difficult safety risks, then the products that require these solutions cannot be approved—and will never reach patients.

Conclusion

The CREATES Act has been presented as a panacea for the suspect activity of a few bad actors. But while it might force those companies to share their products and safety systems, it would also affect—and penalize—the much larger group of innovators that have legitimate reasons for withholding the fruits of their labors. By imposing unreasonable deadlines for action, failing to consider legitimate explanations for the choices made by innovative drug manufacturers, and imposing draconian penalties, it tramples the intellectual property rights of drug innovators. Yet, this industry is deeply reliant on intellectual property rights; they provide the incentive for research into tomorrow’s cures. The CREATES Act should be laid aside, if Congress truly wants to promote innovation and investment in life-saving medicines for future generations of Americans.

Erika Lietzan is an Associate Professor at University of Missouri School of Law and is participating in CPIP’s 2016-2017 Thomas Edison Innovation Fellowship Program.


[1]In fact, the situation is more complicated than proponents of this bill have stated. In instances where samples of an already-approved drug are unavailable for any reason, FDA has several regulatory options at its disposal. After all, if a brand company withdraws its product from the market, that doesn’t preclude generic companies from seeking approval, even years later. So long as the Reference Listed Drug (RLD) was not withdrawn for safety or efficacy reasons, it can be cited in a generic application. In that situation, one thing FDA can do is designate another generic to be the RLD for bioequivalence testing. The statute says only that the ANDA must demonstrate bioequivalence; it does not expressly require that the generic applicant use the innovator’s product in the testing.

Even if there aren’t other generics, it might be possible to obtain ANDA approval based on a showing of bioavailability and the same therapeutic effect. FDA has repeatedly noted, when finding that a particular RLD was not withdrawn for safety or efficacy reasons, that the agency may approve an ANDA for a generic version of a withdrawn product even if the withdrawn product is not commercially available. These Federal Register notices state that if the RLD is not available for bioequivalence testing, the applicant should contact the FDA’s Office of Generic Drugs to determine what showing would be required to satisfy the approval requirements of the statute.

[2]Despite the controversy around this issue, there are relatively few REMS, and even fewer with ETASU. The FDA maintains a downloadable list on its website, with the ETASU marked. As of this writing (July 2016) there are 75 REMS listed, only 40 of which have ETASU. Of these, 6 already have approved generics that share in an approved risk management system. More than a dozen of the remaining products are still under regulatory exclusivity.

Categories
Biotech Gene Patents Innovation Inventors Uncategorized

How IP-Fueled Innovations in Biotechnology Have Led to the Gene Revolution

scientist looking through a microscopeWe’ve released a new issue paper, The Gene Revolution, by Amanda Maxham, a research associate and writer at the Ayn Rand Institute.

Dr. Maxham explores how innovations in biotechnology, enabled by the intellectual property rights that protect them, have led to the “Gene Revolution,” where scientists use genetic engineering to dramatically improve human life. In order to combat widespread misinformation about genetically modified organisms (GMOs), she traces mankind’s long history of improving plants, animals, and microorganisms to better serve our needs.

We’ve included the Executive Summary below. To read the full issue paper, please click here.

The Gene Revolution

By Amanda Maxham

Executive Summary

Mankind has been improving plants and animals for millennia. Simply by selecting and breeding those they liked best, our ancestors radically improved upon wild species. Today’s biological inventors, with a deeper understanding of genetics, breeding, and heredity, and with the protection of intellectual property rights, are using the technology of genetic engineering to start a “Gene Revolution.”

In the field of medicine, custom-built genetically engineered microorganisms are brewing up rivers of otherwise rare human hormones, life-saving medicines, and much-needed vaccines. In agriculture, scientists are combining their understanding of plant genetics with laboratory techniques of modern molecular biology to “unlock” the DNA of crop plants. By inserting genes from other plants or even common microorganisms, they are able to give plants desirable traits, solving problems that farmers have faced for millennia—faster and more precisely than ever before.

But despite its successes and a bright future, biotechnology is under attack by activists who spread misinformation and foster consumer mistrust. They have been directly responsible for onerous regulations and other hurdles to innovation that are threatening to stifle what could and should be the “third industrial revolution.”

In an effort to combat this misinformation, this paper situates genetic engineering within mankind’s long history of food improvement and then highlights how genetic engineering has dramatically improved human life. In it, you’ll find 29 plants, animals, and microorganisms, from insulin-secreting E. coli to engineered cotton, from cheese-making fungus to chestnut trees, that represent the promise and possibilities that the Gene Revolution holds–if we hold precious and continue to protect the freedom to invent and the power of scientific innovation.

Categories
Copyright Copyright Theory History of Intellectual Property Innovation Intellectual Property Theory Law and Economics Patent Law Patent Litigation Patent Theory Statistics Uncategorized

Intellectual Property, Innovation and Economic Growth: Mercatus Gets it Wrong

By Mark Schultz & Adam Mossoff

A handful of increasingly noisy critics of intellectual property (IP) have emerged within free market organizations. Both the emergence and vehemence of this group has surprised most observers, since free market advocates generally support property rights. It’s true that there has long been a strain of IP skepticism among some libertarian intellectuals. However, the surprised observer would be correct to think that the latest critique is something new. In our experience, most free market advocates see the benefit and importance of protecting the property rights of all who perform productive labor – whether the results are tangible or intangible.

How do the claims of this emerging critique stand up? We have had occasion to examine the arguments of free market IP skeptics before. (For example, see here, here, here.) So far, we have largely found their claims wanting.

We have yet another occasion to examine their arguments, and once again we are underwhelmed and disappointed. We recently posted an essay at AEI’s Tech Policy Daily prompted by an odd report recently released by the Mercatus Center, a free-market think tank. The Mercatus report attacks recent research that supposedly asserts, in the words of the authors of the Mercatus report, that “the existence of intellectual property in an industry creates the jobs in that industry.” They contend that this research “provide[s] no theoretical or empirical evidence to support” its claims of the importance of intellectual property to the U.S. economy.

Our AEI essay responds to these claims by explaining how these IP skeptics both mischaracterize the studies that they are attacking and fail to acknowledge the actual historical and economic evidence on the connections between IP, innovation, and economic prosperity. We recommend that anyone who may be confused by the assertions of any IP skeptics waving the banner of property rights and the free market read our essay at AEI, as well as our previous essays in which we have called out similarly odd statements from Mercatus about IP rights.

The Mercatus report, though, exemplifies many of the concerns we raise about these IP skeptics, and so it deserves to be considered at greater length.

For instance, something we touched on briefly in our AEI essay is the fact that the authors of this Mercatus report offer no empirical evidence of their own within their lengthy critique of several empirical studies, and at best they invoke thin theoretical support for their contentions.

This is odd if only because they are critiquing several empirical studies that develop careful, balanced and rigorous models for testing one of the biggest economic questions in innovation policy: What is the relationship between intellectual property and jobs and economic growth?

Apparently, the authors of the Mercatus report presume that the burden of proof is entirely on the proponents of IP, and that a bit of hand waving using abstract economic concepts and generalized theory is enough to defeat arguments supported by empirical data and plausible methodology.

This move raises a foundational question that frames all debates about IP rights today: On whom should the burden rest? On those who claim that IP has beneficial economic effects? Or on those who claim otherwise, such as the authors of the Mercatus report?

The burden of proof here is an important issue. Too often, recent debates about IP rights have started from an assumption that the entire burden of proof rests on those investigating or defending IP rights. Quite often, IP skeptics appear to believe that their criticism of IP rights needs little empirical or theoretical validation, beyond talismanic invocations of “monopoly” and anachronistic assertions that the Framers of the US Constitution were utilitarians.

As we detail in our AEI essay, though, the problem with arguments like those made in the Mercatus report is that they contradict history and empirics. For the evidence that supports this claim, including citations to the many studies that are ignored by the IP skeptics at Mercatus and elsewhere, check out the essay.

Despite these historical and economic facts, one may still believe that the US would enjoy even greater prosperity without IP. But IP skeptics who believe in this counterfactual world face a challenge. As a preliminary matter, they ought to acknowledge that they are the ones swimming against the tide of history and prevailing belief. More important, the burden of proof is on them – the IP skeptics – to explain why the U.S. has long prospered under an IP system they find so odious and destructive of property rights and economic progress, while countries that largely eschew IP have languished. This obligation is especially heavy for one who seeks to undermine empirical work such as the USPTO Report and other studies.

In sum, you can’t beat something with nothing. For IP skeptics to contest this evidence, they should offer more than polemical and theoretical broadsides. They ought to stop making faux originalist arguments that misstate basic legal facts about property and IP, and instead offer their own empirical evidence. The Mercatus report, however, is content to confine its empirics to critiques of others’ methodology – including claims their targets did not make.

For example, in addition to the several strawman attacks identified in our AEI essay, the Mercatus report constructs another strawman in its discussion of studies of copyright piracy done by Stephen Siwek for the Institute for Policy Innovation (IPI). Mercatus inaccurately and unfairly implies that Siwek’s studies on the impact of piracy in film and music assumed that every copy pirated was a sale lost – this is known as “the substitution rate problem.” In fact, Siwek’s methodology tackled that exact problem.

IPI and Siwek never seem to get credit for this, but Siwek was careful to avoid the one-to-one substitution rate estimate that Mercatus and others foist on him and then critique as empirically unsound. If one actually reads his report, it is clear that Siwek assumes that bootleg physical copies resulted in a 65.7% substitution rate, while illegal downloads resulted in a 20% substitution rate. Siwek’s methodology anticipates and renders moot the critique that Mercatus makes anyway.

After mischaracterizing these studies and their claims, the Mercatus report goes further in attacking them as supporting advocacy on behalf of IP rights. Yes, the empirical results have been used by think tanks, trade associations and others to support advocacy on behalf of IP rights. But does that advocacy make the questions asked and resulting research invalid? IP skeptics would have trumpeted results showing that IP-intensive industries had a minimal economic impact, just as Mercatus policy analysts have done with alleged empirical claims about IP in other contexts. In fact, IP skeptics at free-market institutions repeatedly invoke studies in policy advocacy that allegedly show harm from patent litigation, despite these studies suffering from far worse problems than anything alleged in their critiques of the USPTO and other studies.

Finally, we noted in our AEI essay how it was odd to hear a well-known libertarian think tank like Mercatus advocate for more government-funded programs, such as direct grants or prizes, as viable alternatives to individual property rights secured to inventors and creators. There is even more economic work being done beyond the empirical studies we cited in our AEI essay on the critical role that property rights in innovation serve in a flourishing free market, as well as work on the economic benefits of IP rights over other governmental programs like prizes.

Today, we are in the midst of a full-blown moral panic about the alleged evils of IP. It’s alarming that libertarians – the very people who should be defending all property rights – have jumped on this populist bandwagon. Imagine if free market advocates at the turn of the Twentieth Century had asserted that there was no evidence that property rights had contributed to the Industrial Revolution. Imagine them joining in common cause with the populist Progressives to suppress the enforcement of private rights and the enjoyment of economic liberty. It’s a bizarre image, but we are seeing its modern-day equivalent, as these libertarians join the chorus of voices arguing against property and private ordering in markets for innovation and creativity.

It’s also disconcerting that Mercatus appears to abandon its exceptionally high standards for scholarly work-product when it comes to IP rights. Its economic analyses and policy briefs on such subjects as telecommunications regulation, financial and healthcare markets, and the regulatory state have rightly made Mercatus a respected free-market institution. It’s unfortunate that it has lent this justly earned prestige and legitimacy to stale and derivative arguments against property and private ordering in the innovation and creative industries. It’s time to embrace the sound evidence and back off the rhetoric.