Tag: Kristina Acri

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Biotech Healthcare Patents Pharma

Professors Erika Lietzan and Kristina Acri Argue That Current Data Do Not Support Evergreening Allegations

By Jack Ring

Overlaid images of pills, a gloved hand of someone expecting a pill, and an eyedropperIn their forthcoming paper, Solutions Still Searching for a Problem: A Call for Relevant Data to Support “Evergreening” Allegations,[1] C-IP2 Senior Scholars Erika Lietzan of Mizzou Law and Kristina Acri of Colorado College call for relevant data to support evergreening allegations and accompanying policy proposals. “Evergreening” is often described as brand drug companies securing additional patents and FDA exclusivities, which grant greater market exclusivity than the initial exclusivities.[2] Evergreening has long been the subject of criticism and policy reform.

The article evaluates empirical data commonly offered to substantiate evergreening and explains that the data, while largely accurate, does not support proposed policy changes. The authors argue that the most relevant data points for policymakers are (1) when brands face competition and (2) what drives the timing of that competition. The authors indicate that no empirical studies answer these questions, so this article concludes by proposing a study designed to properly consider these factors.

I.              Background

Evergreening allegations stem from protections on brand drugs that advocates view as too many patents or FDA exclusivities, which, they claim, improperly extend the drug’s exclusivity.[3] FDA exclusivities include exclusive periods of approval or markets as well as processes for bringing generic drugs to market. Under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (FDCA), the FDA approves all new drugs before they are sold.[4] However, the FDCA does not define “drug” or “new drug,” which may refer to an active ingredient, a finished product, or both.[5] While the FDCA does not specify, the FDA in practice approves products (finished medicines as they are sold in the market), not active ingredients (active molecules and components of finished products).[6]

The FDCA controls the processes of bringing a generic drug to market.[7] As critics point out, some statutory processes bar generic drugs from entering the market until the patents expire. However, this is not always the true.[8] Moreover, the FDCA provides different forms and lengths of exclusive approval as a reward for drug makers performing the preclinical and clinical research needed to bring a drug to market. These range from six months for performing pediatric studies[9] to seven years for “orphan” drugs intended to treat a rare disease or condition.[10]

Much of the evergreening allegations and outcry focus on exclusivities stemming from continuing innovation. Continuing innovation is common because developing new molecular entities is time- and cash-consuming. Therefore, brand companies benefit from identifying new uses for new molecular entities. Moreover, those new medical uses (indications) may be eligible for new patents and statutory exclusivities. Protections for continuing innovation, however, are narrow and only prevent the approval of generic drugs for that new, specific use.[11]

II.            The Hastings Project and Current Data for Policymakers

The University of California Hastings College of Law hosts a database that (1) identifies the earliest and latest expiring patent or exclusivity for new drugs and (2) calculates the number of months between those dates.[12] The authors undertook a large audit of the Hastings Database. Like the Hastings Database, major empirical studies offered to support the allegation of “evergreening” focused on counting patents and exclusivities.[13] The Hastings Database utilizes three counting metrics: earliest protection end date, latest protection end date, and delta between the two called “months added.” The authors’ audit raised questions regarding the inferences drawn about competition from patent and exclusivity counts generally.

The authors argue that the Hastings Database is insufficient to inform policy debate because it does not provide the most relevant piece of information for policymakers: when new drugs face competition and why. The Hastings Database estimates new drug entry and competition based on the latest protection date for a drug’s applicable exclusivities. However, the exclusivities used to calculate that date do not prohibit all new drug entry. Therefore, because new drugs could enter the market before the latest protection date, that data point does not serve as a relevant data point for policymakers seeking to drive timely generic competition. In the authors’ own data review, every new chemical examined had a generic drug available before the latest expiry date listed in the Hastings Database. The authors’ audit confirmed their skepticism of the “latest protection end date” as a proxy for the likely generic entry date. Actual generic competition date will likely launch at least five years earlier, with nearly 18% launching more than ten years sooner.[14]

III.          Takeaways and the Call for Relevant Data

While the authors audited the Hastings Database and analyzed their own dataset, they recognized their research still did not provide the answers to the most important questions: (1) when do generic drugs reach the market and (2) what drives that timing? A study designed to consider the market entry date of the first generic drug based on any brand product containing a particular new active ingredient would determine the factors driving that market entry date.

The publication closes by describing this better study and calling for this data. At a high level, the study would focus on each new molecular entity approved since 1983 with the relevant dates being the “Initial Protection End Date” and the “NCE Competition Date.” Initial Protection End Date would start with the first approved brand product containing the NCE. NCE Competition Date would be the commercial launch date for the first product, approved on the basis of an abbreviated application (relying on the brand company’s research), to contain that same NCE for the same indication(s). They recommend a database covering all new molecular entities since 1984 to allow policymakers to study these trends. The database would allow policymakers to see exactly how long brand companies with new chemical entities enjoy a market without competition from another company marketing the same chemical entity for the same use on the basis of the brand company’s own research. Where the Generic Competition Date (actual commercial launch date) is later than the Initial Protection End Date, one would need to investigate the reason for its timing. Perhaps the generic company had difficulty making a bioequivalent, the market is too small, or the generic company faced manufacturing issues.

IV.          Policy Implications

As the authors make clear, policymaking based on latest expiration date (the Hastings Database approach) before consideration of actual market entry (the authors’ proposed study) would be premature. The number of patents and exclusivities, and the difference between the earliest and latest expiration date of patents and exclusivities, do not illustrate evergreening. Yet, current policy proposals rely on this counting method used by the Hastings Database to support reforms. This is reliance on data to with no correlation to the purported issue. This article, rather, provides a sketch of how a proper database could be built and a study could be conducted to measure evergreening. Evergreening claims can only be substantiated with proper empirical data. Unless empirical data shows that evergreening is a problem, policy solutions are unnecessary.

[1] Erika Lietzan and Kristina Acri née Lybecker, Solutions Still Searching for a Problem: a Call for Relevant Data to Support “Evergreening” Allegations, 33 Fordham Intell. Prop., Medifa & Ent. L.J. (forthcoming 2023), https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=4230310#.

[2] For an overview of arguments that drug companies obtain too many patents and too much exclusivity, which raises prices, see Erika Lietzan, The “Evergreening” Metaphor in Intellectual Property Scholarship, 53 Akron L. Rev. 805, 848-851 (2020); see also Erika Lietzan, The Evergreening Myth, Regulation 24, 25 (Fall 2020).

[3] E.g., Robin Feldman & Evan Frondorf, Drug Wars: A New Generation of Generic Pharmaceutical Delay, 53 Harv. J. on Legis. 499, 510 (2016); Michael A. Carrier, A Real-World Analysis of Pharmaceutical Settlements: The Missing Dimension of Product Hopping, 62 Fla. L. Rev. 1009, 1016 (2010).

[4] 21 U.S.C. § 355(a).

[5] The term “drug” is ambiguous at FDA. The FDA approves brand products, not active ingredients, and those products are copied by generic companies. As a result, a brand’s active ingredient may be spread over multiple products. 21 U.S.C. § 321(g).

[6] FDA defines “active ingredient” as “any component that is intended to furnish pharmacological activity or other direct effect in the diagnosis, cure, mitigation, treatment, or prevention of disease, or to affect the structure or any function of the body of man or other animals.” 21 C.F.R. § 314.3(b). The active ingredient includes the ester, salt, or other noncovalent derivative of the molecule responsible for the physiological or pharmacological action of the drug substance. 21 C.F.R. § 314.3(b). That molecule, in turn, is the “active moiety.”

[7] See 21 U.S.C. §§ 355(j)(2)(A)(vii)–(viii), 355(j)(2)(B)(i).

[8] These circumstances include when (1) the patent claims a method of use for which the generic company does not seek approval, or (2) the brand company does not sue for patent infringement after a paragraph IV certification. 21 U.S.C. §§ 355(j)(2)(A)(vii)(IV); id. § 355(j)(2)(B)(i).

[9] 21 U.S.C. § 355a. Pediatric exclusivity is awarded after the research is complete, when the brand company submits a report to the agency that “fairly” responds to the written request. Id. § 355a(d)(4).

[10] Id. § 360bb(a)(2).

[11] Moreover, generic companies seeking to enter the market can choose not to seek approval for the new indication. 21 C.F.R. § 314.127(a)(7). For example, if a brand drug treats conditions A, B, and C and condition C is still subject to a patent or statutory exclusivity, a generic drug company could still receive approval to sell their drug to treat condition A and B.

[12] See Evergreen Drug Patent Search, https://sites.uchastings.edu/evergreensearch.

[13] This includes pieces by Robin Feldman, a Hastings professor. Robin Feldman, May Your Drug Price be Evergreen, 5 J.L. & Biosci. 590, 590 (2018); Amy Kapczynski et al., Polymorphs and Prodrugs and Salts (Oh My!): An Empirical Analysis of “Secondary” Pharmaceutical Patents, 7 PLOS Online 12 (2012).

[14] Lietzan & Acri, supra note 1, at 44–46.

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Patent Law Patents Pharma

Professors Erika Lietzan and Kristina Acri on “Distorted Drug Patents”

The following post comes from Austin Shaffer, a 2L at Scalia Law and a Research Assistant at CPIP.

pharmaceuticalsBy Austin Shaffer

In their new paper, Distorted Drug Patents, CPIP Senior Scholar Erika Lietzan of Mizzou Law and Kristina Acri of Colorado College explore a paradox in our patent system: Innovators are less motivated to work on drugs that take more time to develop as drug research incentives are being skewed away from the harder problems (e.g., Alzheimer’s disease and interventions at the early stages of cancer). The paper, which was published in the Washington Law Review in late 2020, was supported in part by a CPIP Leonardo da Vinci Fellowship Research Grant.

Although many condemn later-issued drug patents as “insidious,” Profs. Lietzan and Acri argue that those conceptions should be recalibrated, since the use of such patents is fully consistent with the intent of Congress when the Patent Act was amended in 1984 to restore some of the patent term lost to premarket R&D and FDA review. While a few scholars have considered the implications of patent term restoration from an empirical perspective, none have done so to the same extent as Profs. Lietzan and Acri. By using an expansive dataset and including a temporal dimension in the analysis, the scholars offer a fresh assessment of patent restoration and its implications.

How Can Drug Patents be “Distorted”?

Drug research is notoriously risky—investors allocate massive amounts of time and money to a project without knowing whether the drug will succeed in trials or how long the trials could last. Even if trials are successful, the Public Health Service Act and the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act require premarket approval of new drugs before they can be commercialized. Starting in the 1960s, federal regulatory requirements grew more demanding, and the FDA’s expectations became more rigorous to obtain premarket approval. Given that the FDA approves only finished products, not mere active moieties, drug research is not only expensive but also uncertain. While this process drags out, the clock on the patent continues to run. By the time all is said and done, the effective life of the patent is distorted, an unfortunate reality that further disincentivizes complex drug research. By the 1980s, Congress had addressed this problem by amending the Patent Act to allow entities to apply for patent term restoration.

35 U.S.C. § 156 authorizes the PTO to restore the life of a patent lost to clinical trials and FDA review. However, the PTO has restricted the practicality of these restorations, making them subject to stringent limitations. It restores only half of the testing period after patent issuance and caps restoration at five years, and the effective patent life post-restoration cannot exceed fourteen years. Additionally, the PTO must deny restoration if the FDA has already approved the active ingredient. Only one patent can be extended per regulatory review period, and patents can only be extended under Section 156 once. After a certain point, premarket R&D simply and unavoidably equates to lost patent life. But despite the limitations and restraints on this process, it is widely agreed that the 1984 amendment was a step in the right direction.

The value of patent restoration was complicated, however, by the Uruguay Round Agreements Act (URAA), which revised Section 154 of the Patent Act and altered the length of patent terms. To say the least, the relationship between the URAA extension and patent term restoration was initially muddled, particularly in the context of parent/child applications. Ultimately, it played out that drugs approved since the enactment of Section 156 have been protected by patents subject to three different regimes: (1) the pre-URAA regime, in which patents lasted for seventeen years from issuance; (2) the post-URAA regime, in which patents lasted for twenty years from application or parent application; and (3) the transition regime, in which patents lasted for twenty years post-application or seventeen years post-issuance, whichever came first.

Profs. Lietzan and Acri were motivated to delve deeper into the data behind patent restorations, operating under the hypotheses that longer R&D programs should distort drug patents (even after term restoration), and that restoring a child patent should be associated with longer final effective life if the patent is subject to the seventeen-year term (pre-URAA regime).

Testing the Hypotheses

Profs. Lietzan and Acri generated an unprecedented dataset containing information on 642 approved drugs for which part of the patent life was restored—every instance between the enactment of Section 156 and April 1, 2017. Regulatory information—such as the start of clinical trials, FDA approval date, the length of testing, and the length of the FDA review period—was collected for each drug. On the patent side, the dataset included, among other data points, the following information: (1) the date on which the inventor filed the patent application that led to issuance of the patent; (2) the date that would control calculation of a twenty-year patent term under current law; (3) the date on which the patent issued (or the date on which the original patent issued, in the case of a reissued patent); (4) the type of term the patent enjoyed (seventeen-year, twenty-year, or transitional); (5) the number of days restored by the PTO; and (6) the final patent expiry date after restoration.

The data analysis produced some interesting findings. The average effective patent life without restoration—meaning the time from FDA approval to the original expiration date of the patent—was 8.71 years (median 9.49 years). And while the average clinical development program was 6.04 years, the average amount of patent life restored was only 2.87 years. Seeking to dig deeper into the findings, Profs. Lietzan and Acri performed various regression analyses to assess which variables explain effective patent life before the award of patent term restoration. Thought-provoking graphs and tables are included in the Appendix of the paper for those interested in the data science aspect of the research.

Policy Implications

As expected, Profs. Lietzan and Acri found that our legal system not only distorts drug patents but also provides less effective patent life for drugs that take longer to develop. The current scheme further disincentivizes investors and inventors from undertaking critical drug research because of the associated costs and risks of doing so. By the time our government allows the patent owner to commercialize, much of the patent term has already lapsed. And while the 1984 amendment made positive progress to combat this issue by authorizing patent restoration, that power has not been used to its fullest extent. This means that cures and treatments for a wide range of diseases and illnesses are largely under-researched and under-developed.

To add to the quandary, the changes made in 1994 by the URAA mean that a drug company may need to select a later-issued original patent to achieve fourteen full years of effective patent life. These patents are arguably less valuable to the drug’s inventor because it may be possible for generic and biosimilar applicants to develop versions that satisfy regulatory requirements and yet do not infringe the patent. Policymakers have essentially nullified the original purpose of the 1984 amendment to the Patent Act without meaningful discussion of the implications for drug innovation.

In a society begging for more involved research into complex diseases that affect millions of people, such as Alzheimer’s and various cancers, the current setup of our patent system operates as a hindrance and a deterrent against innovation. The argument can be made that drugs requiring more premarket research and investment should receive longer effective patent lives, but at the very least, they should not receive less because of a burdensome regulatory scheme.

Patent life is essential to innovation in the pharmaceutical industry, perhaps more so than any other industry, and Congress recognized that notion by adopting Section 156 to the Patent Act. The fact that the PTO uses its promulgated authority so selectively, combined with further complications stemming from Congress’s changes to the way patent terms are calculated in 1994, leaves drug companies in a predicament. While some policymakers and scholars complain when those companies secure later-expiring patents, the extensive research and analysis by Profs. Lietzan and Acri suggest that those patents may be necessary to accomplish the intentions of the Congress with the 1984 amendment.

Categories
Patent Law Pharma

CPIP Scholars Examine the Flaws in the Term “Evergreening”

scientist looking through a microscopeIn their new paper, Evergreening of Pharmaceutical Exclusivity: Sorting Fact from Misunderstanding and Fiction, Professors Kristina Acri née Lybecker and Mark Schultz, along with CPIP John F. Witherspoon Legal Fellow David Lund, analyze how the term “evergreening” is used in the context of pharmaceuticals.

After sorting through the vagaries and rhetorical excesses that restrict meaningful discussion, they identify seven categories that capture typical uses of the term:

  • The assertion that the duration of existing patents can generally be “renewed” or “extended,” for very long or indefinite periods;
  • Obtaining additional patents related to a particular pharmaceutical or treatment;
  • The use of laws that allow patent owners to restore some portion of their term lost due to governmental delays;
  • The use of laws that give companies a limited term of exclusive time to market a drug;
  • Regulatory barriers that frustrate potential generic competitors’ ability to enter a market;
  • Business practices that largely rely on marketing to advantage innovators; and
  • Settling lawsuits with generic manufacturers that seek to invalidate a patent.

In addition to identifying practices claimed to be “evergreening,” this paper also discusses the impact and value of these practices. For most situations, the practices reflect specific policies that are having their desired effect, such as the increase in studies of drug safety and efficacy in children brought about by pediatric exclusivity. In some cases, the practices are simply legal impossibilities. Only in a few specific situations related to regulatory requirements do the authors observe strategic opportunities that could plausibly be considered problematic.

Because of the number of practices and the diversity of value those practices bring to pharmaceutical commercialization, the term obscures far more than it illuminates. Discussions about patents, exclusivities, and public health would benefit greatly from discussing the practices and policies specifically, rather than attempting to use a nebulous term such as “evergreening.”

The paper, which started as part of Professor Acri’s work through CPIP’s Thomas Edison Innovation Fellowship, can be found here. The abstract is copied below.

***

Evergreening of Pharmaceutical Exclusivity: Sorting Fact from Misunderstanding and Fiction

Abstract

When people use the term “evergreening” to describe pharmaceutical industry practices, they typically display an unwarranted confidence that they know exactly what they mean both descriptively and normatively. However, a consistent and coherent definition of “evergreening” does not appear to exist.

This article surveys legal, academic, trade, and popular sources that use the term “evergreening” to develop a taxonomy of the policies and actions to which the term is applied. We find that the term is used to cover roughly seven categories of circumstances. Our review finds that the use of the term, taken as a whole, is more typified by the diversity of practices to which it applies rather than any consistent meaning. There are some commonalties, but they exist mostly at a general level.

We then analyze these seven categories to determine if the rhetoric matches the reality. Evergreening is most frequently used as a pejorative term, with a common implication that the “evergreener” is engaged in some sort of strategic behavior at least, or perhaps an immoral if not illegal practice. However, the categorical application of a pejorative term such as “evergreening” to any of the general policies and types of actions we examine is unwarranted and inappropriate. Proponents often apply the term to ordinary use of legal rights as they were designed and the concept makes no meaningful distinction between beneficial and problematic actions.

Unfortunately, “Evergreening” is a key concept in health policy that obscures far more than it illuminates. Once the term is stripped of misunderstandings and loose rhetoric, little of value remains. This is not to say that all policies and actions that extend or preserve exclusive rights are prudent or defensible in individual cases. Rather, the discussion regarding patents and public health would gain much clarity and rationality from addressing the disparate things labeled as “evergreening” on their individual merits.

To read the paper, please click here.

Categories
Copyright Patents

CPIP Fall Conference Papers Highlight How Intellectual Property Rights Promote Global Prosperity

2016 Fall Conference flyerBy Alex Summerton

The George Mason Law Review has just published the papers from our Fourth Annual Fall Conference, Intellectual Property & Global Prosperity, which was held at Antonin Scalia Law School, George Mason University, in Arlington, Virginia, on October 6-7, 2016. The conference highlighted the importance of IP rights in the global marketplace and discussed how countries that leverage the availability of such protections enjoy creative, technological, and economic benefits far surpassing those that place less value on IP.

The newly-published papers are outlined below:

Kristina M. L. Acri, née Lybecker, Economic Growth and Prosperity Stem from Effective Intellectual Property Rights, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 865 (2017)

Professor Kristina Acri of Colorado College discusses the importance of IP in incentivizing innovation by enabling firms to recuperate development expenditures. She explains how the static loss resulting from the patent system is far offset by the dynamic gains resulting from both increased innovation and public disclosure of knowledge. Acri identifies how countries employing strong IP regimes realize greater benefits in pharmaceutical innovations in the form of more available treatments and earlier implementation than countries with weaker protections. Furthermore, she highlights how robust IP systems encourage both revolutionary and incremental technology developments, promote domestic technology industries, and foster new employment opportunities for domestic labor forces.Key to this analysis are the fundamental economic forces that drive patented innovation. Acri discusses the importance of patents to innovator companies that must bear substantial fixed costs in the form of research and development, while generic competitors need only compete on negligible marginal costs with the innovators. She further explores how countries employing strong patent protections attract innovation businesses, as well as develop investment industries and educated workforces to support such innovation. Finally, Acri analyzes the positive correlation between a country’s rank as an innovative hot spot and the relative strength of its IP protections.

Walter G. Park, Averting a “Tripsxit” From the Global Intellectual Property System, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 883 (2017)

Professor Walter Park of American University examines the benefits that developing countries can realize by implementing stronger IP right systems in the context of the globalized marketplace. He considers the effect the TRIPS Agreement has had on the relationship between developed and developing countries as a function of the grant rates for technologies originating from various countries and the balance of technology imports and exports. Park seeks to explain why certain countries have developed into technological powerhouses in the last few decades, while others have remained behind and lagged in technological production.Park looks at various factors that could have influenced, and in turn have been influenced by, these divergent development paths, such as trade practices, legal and sociological structure, and the flexibility that TRIPS gives member states to set their own schedules. He concludes that countries seeking to move themselves into modern economies can benefit greatly by examining and adjusting their IP regimes to encourage both domestic and foreign innovations and investment in the local territory.

Stan Liebowitz, The Case for Copyright, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 907 (2017)

Professor Stan Liebowitz of the University of Texas explores several rationales for copyright, commenting on both economic and moralistic perspectives and discussing how, as a common misconception, many people fail to recognize that the property rights imparted by copyright truly enable economic returns. He focuses heavily on the economic case for copyright, seeking to dispel the myth that copyright is an economic monopoly. Liebowitz notes that popular works enjoy unusually high monopoly-like rents because they are uncommon and disproportionately successful as compared to unpopular works, not because they benefit from any economic monopoly imparted by copyright.Liebowitz discusses the concept of market-determined values of works in contrast to alternative systems such as centralized markets and patronage systems, and he concludes that these alternative systems lack the ability to incentivize the production of either high quality or high quantities of works. Finally, he explores the moral justifications for the remuneration of authors of successful works and discusses several alternative, although morally absurd, repugnant, or questionable, systems for securing payments for authors. Liebowitz posits that copyright enables markets to efficiently set the price of works and facilitates the determination of what society does and does not want produced.

Brett Danaher & Michael D. Smith, Digital Piracy, Film Quality, and Social Welfare, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 923 (2017)

Professors Brett Danaher of Chapman University and Michael Smith of Carnegie Mellon University assess the impact of piracy of copyrighted works on the production, in terms of both quantity and quality, of artistic works, particularly films. They discuss the trade-offs of copyright enforcement versus piracy for consumers and producers, and they outline the expected welfare transfers that occur for both users who would and would not otherwise purchase the consumed media in the absence of piracy. Danaher and Smith also delve into the hidden impact that piracy and the non-enforcement of copyright laws have on markets that traditionally have relied on copyright.Danaher and Smith analyze the origination of high-quality works and examine how the rise of online piracy has caused a depression in the production of award-winning films in countries where copyright is laxly enforced. They further identify the collateral negative effects of the lack of copyright enforcement, including the frustration of attempts to secure funding for riskier projects. Danaher and Smith explain how this potentially robs the world of artistically meritorious, but financially unsafe, projects, thereby decreasing overall social welfare.

Kevin Madigan & Adam Mossoff, Turning Gold Into Lead: How Patent Eligibility Doctrine is Undermining U.S. Leadership in Innovation, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 939 (2017)

CPIP Legal Fellow Kevin Madigan and Professor Adam Mossoff of George Mason University focus on recent developments at the Supreme Court that have made patenting high-technology inventions, particularly in the computer and biotechnology disciplines, more difficult and the consequential danger this poses to the United States’ position as a global innovation leader. They begin by reviewing the late-20th century jurisprudence that placed the U.S. in a position to be a technological force in the new millennium, especially with respect to the patentability of biotech and computer technology. Madigan and Mossoff then review more recent Supreme Court precedents that have led to a recession from a pro-patentability position while providing very little guidance on what could be patentable.Madigan and Mossoff go on to assess how this change in jurisprudence has resulted in a retreat from America’s position as a patent powerhouse. They point to cases where applications were rejected as unpatentable subject matter in the U.S. while the corresponding technologies were found to be patentable in Europe and China. Madigan and Mossoff also discuss the general trend of rejecting applications and invalidating patents with scant actual justification for why those applications and patents were patent ineligible. They conclude that data available from the last few years shows that the U.S. may be receding as a technological center since its patent laws have become unreliable for inventors and investors seeking protection.

Jiarui Liu, The Predatory Effects of Copyright Piracy, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 961 (2017)

Professor Jiarui Liu of the University of San Francisco analyzes strategic behavior in copyright enforcement, particularly in countries that have not yet developed robust copyright industries and that have lessened incentive to invest in effective copyright policy. He discusses the phenomenon in China, where large copyright entities sometimes prefer pirating of their works to enforcement when they cannot expect any return for their work. As Liu explains, expecting the ability to develop a market and later determine how to recover payments for pirated copies, this lax enforcement of copyright policy results in a suppression of domestic industries that would compete with large entities.Liu outlines the reality of copyright enforcement in China, a lackluster effort on the part of the Chinese government that has led to rampant piracy of a wide range of copyrighted works. He explains how the piracy of software products, such as Microsoft Office, has stunted the development of new and competing technologies, a result implicitly approved by the market-dominant copyright owners. Liu compares this behavior of strategic non-enforcement to predatory pricing practices traditionally viewed as part of antitrust law, since it places the product into consumer hands at an initial loss in order to establish market dominance that will later enable the firm to exert monopoly power once its product has become the dominant force. Finally, Liu discusses possible mechanisms of corrective actions, both private and public, to combat non-enforcement as strategic behavior.