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Antitrust Patent Law Pharma

USPTO-DOJ Workshop on Promoting Innovation in the Life Science Sector: Day Two Recap

The following post comes from Austin Shaffer, a 2L at Scalia Law and a Research Assistant at CPIP. 

night view of Washington, D.C.By Austin Shaffer

This past fall, the Department of Justice (DOJ) and U.S. Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) hosted day two of their public workshop to discuss the importance of intellectual property rights and pro-competitive collaborations for life sciences companies, research institutions, and American consumers. While day one focused on how patents and copyrights impact collaboration and innovation for business development in life science technologies, day two concentrated on competition, collaboration, and licensing, and how those tools can promote access to therapeutics, diagnostics, and vaccines. Video of day two of the workshop is available here, and our summary of day one is available here.

Welcome Remarks, Fireside Chat, and Program Overview

Makan Delrahim, Assistant Attorney General for the DOJ Antitrust Division, kicked off day two with some opening remarks, emphasizing the significant role that IP and antitrust play to encourage innovation and healthy competition as entities around the globe race to find a COVID vaccine.

Mr. Delrahim was then joined by USPTO Director Andrei Iancu for a fireside chat, moderated by Judge Kathleen O’Malley of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit. Mr. Iancu spoke to the critical pro-competitive role of patents at this time, as they incentivize innovation and disclosure and create transferrable financial instruments. Indeed, obtaining a patent boosts viability and employment growth, particularly for small companies. Additionally, Mr. Iancu highlighted some of the measures that the USPTO is taking to foster innovation and collaboration in the life science sector. One such measure, the Patents 4 Partnerships program, provides the public with a user-friendly, searchable repository of patents and published applications related to the COVID pandemic that are available for licensing. Additionally, the USPTO has extended deadlines and discounted application fees pursuant to the CARES Act.

Following the fireside chat, David Lawrence, Chief, Competition Policy & Advocacy Section at the DOJ, gave a brief overview of the day’s program. Mr. Lawrence noted that the life science sector relies on both competition and collaboration—the key question throughout the upcoming panels is where to draw the line at the cross-section of those factors to promote efficiency and effectiveness.

Session V: Collaboration and Licensing Strategies

Partnerships can serve as a key tool in the development of therapeutics and vaccines from initial research, through product development and clinical trials, and into the market-ready stage. These partnerships and various licensing strategies are particularly relevant to addressing the current pandemic. This panel focused on public-private partnerships, private partnerships, exclusive versus non-exclusive licensing, ownership rights, and information pooling.

The panel included Laura Coruzzi of Regenxbio, Lauren Foster from MIT, Prof. Sheridan Miyamoto from Penn State University, Mita Mukherjee of Emergent BioSolutions, Mark Rohrbaugh of the NIH, and Dick Wilder of the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, and it was moderated by DOJ Deputy Associate Attorney General Brian Pandya.

Each panelist took a turn discussing the role of collaboration in the development of therapeutics and vaccines. Ms. Coruzzi said that while collaboration is important throughout product development, it is particularly critical in the early research stage. Gene therapy research is precariously risky, and investors tend to stay away from those endeavors. Collaboration between multiple entities leads to a higher success rate, thereby providing a greater incentive for investors to get on board. Ms. Mukherjee explained that while big pharma has the expertise in researching and developing a marketable product, the initial work is often more appropriate for smaller, niche companies.

Ms. Foster explained that at MIT, the mission is to make technology broadly available, and by prudently engaging in a collaborative relationship, they can better ensure advancement. While the NIH approaches licensing in a similar manner to MIT, Mr. Rohrbaugh noted some of the statutory requirements and regulations that govern the NIH’s ability to license, such as the requirement to post on the Federal Register for comment. Mr. Wilder argued that the key to successful collaboration is to manage projects on a collective basis to ensuring that the resulting IP is used properly.

Turning to recent developments in licensing structures, Mr. Pandya noted the recent increase in invalidation of IP rights and posed the question: How has this negatively impacted licensing? Ms. Coruzzi cited Mayo v. Prometheus, a 2012 Supreme Court case which held that a natural phenomenon must be sufficiently added upon or transformed in order to make an idea, formula, mechanism, or test patentable. That decision, she argued, has squandered tax-funded university research and placed the U.S. at a competitive disadvantage with other countries that protect purified or engineered natural products. She called on the legislature to fix a decision that “knocked the legs out of patents.”

Session VI: How do Regulation and Antitrust Enforcement Impact Competition and Incentives for Innovation?

The extent to which regulation and antitrust enforcement are necessary to maintain competition is a contested issue, and the answer can have a significant impact on the incentives for innovation. The panelists in this session considered the tradeoffs between the two and the resulting consequences, especially within the context of a pandemic.

The panel included Alden Abbott of the FTC, Prof. Ernst Berndt from MIT, David Kappos of Cravath, Swaine & Moore, Prof. William Kovacic from George Washington University Law School, and Dick Wilder of the Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations, and it was moderated by Deputy Assistant Attorney General Alexander Okuliar.

Mr. Kappos argued that the patent system has been disabled and marginalized in its role of incentivizing innovation and bringing ideas from the university level to the marketplace for a variety of reasons. Mentioning a host of companies that agree, Mr. Kappos deemed the patent system broken, calling on congressional reform of 35 U.S.C. § 101. From his observations, our restricted statutory scheme has caused investment to flee elsewhere, recent Supreme Court decisions have resulted in decreased overall investment, and venture capital funding is decreasing in patent-reliant sectors.

Pertinent to regulation and antitrust enforcement concerns, several of the panelists pointed to the March 2020 FTC-DOJ Joint Statement as a positive step forward. The statement outlined ways that firms, including competitors, can engage in collaboration for the purpose of public health and safety protection without violating the antitrust laws. Mr. Kovacic called on further FTC and DOJ action, explicating that those agencies have the capacity to analyze the effects of previous policymaking on the life science sector that can provide useful guidance moving forward.

Session VII: Competition and Collaboration: Examining Competitive Effects and Antitrust Risks Associated with Collaborations

In this session, the panelists discussed what makes a collaboration or partnership successful and procompetitive, antitrust concerns that can arise, and potential safeguards that can reduce antitrust risk.

The panel included William Diaz of Amgen, Andrew Finch of Paul Weiss, Prof. Luba Greenwood from Harvard University, and Chuck Loughlin of Hogan Lovells, and it was moderated by the DOJ’s Jennifer Dixton, Special Counsel for Policy & Intellectual Property, Antitrust Division.

Mr. Finch started off the penultimate panel by identifying the hallmarks of a successful joint venture: mechanisms that enable participants in the venture to increase output, clear boundaries as to the scope of the venture, and safeguards to make sure the venture stays “on the rails.” He proposed a “red-yellow-green” system that lawyers can articulate to business clients to let them know what can and cannot be shared, and when to seek advice from counsel for further guidance. Mr. Diaz echoed those sentiments, adding that ventures need a clear charter from the onset of the relationship that provides comprehensive plans for what to do in a variety of scenarios. Also, he continued, it is imperative to keep detailed meeting agendas to avoid members straying into discussions that might raise antitrust concerns.

The panelists went on to commend the usefulness of the DOJ’s Business Review Letters, which provide unusually expedited advisory guidance to firms wondering whether their collaborations will pass antitrust muster. Ms. Dixton, fielding those comments as moderator and in her capacity at the DOJ, then posed a final question to the panel: What else could the Department be doing? The panelists called for updates to the FTC-DOJ Antitrust Guidelines for Collaborations Among Competitors. While still useful, the Guidelines have not been updated in twenty years, leaving many gray areas in today’s world.

Keynote Speech

The keynote speech was delivered by Dr. Elias Zerhouni, Emeritus Professor of Radiology and Biomedical Engineering and Senior Advisor at Johns Hopkins Medicine.

Dr. Zerhouni shared his wealth of life science knowledge and experience in the day’s keynote speech. He made a key point when it comes to the need for collaboration to combat COVID: no single university, single company, or even single country is able to address modern biological issues by themselves—the amount of data generated in the life science sector is simply beyond the capabilities of one player.

Dr. Zerhouni agreed with some of the previous panelists that developments in the patent system have changed the structure of innovation and created a difficult market to negotiate in. He argued for statutory reform that will allow US innovators to pool their IP together to operate more effectively. Although there are many contributing factors to the current state of the patent system, Dr. Zerhouni referred to the Federal Circuit’s 2002 decision in Madey v. Duke University as an inhibitor to pre-competitive innovation. (Madey held that the experimental use defense applied only to acts taken for amusement, to satisfy curiosity, or for strictly philosophical inquiry).

Session VIII: Academics’ and Economists’ Views on Collaboration and Competition

The final panel featured the perspectives of experts from academia and the field of economics, including Prof. Rena Conti from Boston University, Prof. Scott Hemphill from NYU School of Law, Richard Manning of Bates White Economic Consulting, and Prof. Joanna Shepherd from Emory Law School, and it was moderated by Patrick Greenlee, Economist with the DOJ’s Antitrust Division.

Mr. Greenlee asked one question of the final panel: Are the current prices for life sector IP too high? That question fielded diverse opinions and evaluations. Mr. Manning said there is no cause for worry because the profit margins “aren’t that big.” Prof. Shepherd agreed, citing historically low lifetime revenues for new drugs, resulting in decreasing returns on R&D for pharmaceutical companies. Prof. Hemphill took a step back, arguing that our economic knowledge is still too limited to know the optimal level for the collaboration-competition tradeoff. Prof. Conti contended that we may be looking at the system entirely wrong—when evaluating mergers and the value of IP assets, the value of labor and manufacturing assets and access to raw materials is often overlooked.

Conclusion

Overall, the second day of the DOJ-USPTO workshop on promoting innovation in the life science sector left us with a lot to consider in the coming months as COVID vaccinations continue to be developed and distributed. What is the optimal level of antitrust enforcement? How can firms effectively, and legally, take advantage of licensing strategies and collaboration to expedite development? Does our patent system need to be reformed in the wake of the pandemic? These are questions of the upmost importance for our industry leaders and policymakers to consider and solve.

Categories
Patents Pharma

IP Scholars Question the Legality and Wisdom of Joint AG Proposal to Seize Remdesivir Patents

The following post comes from Colin Kreutzer, a 2E at Scalia Law and a Research Assistant at CPIP.

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"By Colin Kreutzer

While the vaccines are starting to roll out in the fight against COVID-19, the precise timelines for when they will be widely available continue to be uncertain. But we do have treatments currently available under Emergency Use Authorization authority that have been shown to blunt the impact of the coronavirus and reduce the length of hospital stays. The first one these was Gilead Sciences’ antiviral drug, remdesivir. In July, after an initial period in which Gilead donated its production supply, the company announced a price of $390 per vial, or $2,340 for an estimated 5-day course. While the price is lower than what many analysts were expecting, not everyone was happy about it.

In an August joint letter to HHS Secretary Alex Azar, thirty-four state Attorneys General urged him to do what they contend would resolve a problem of access to the drug: use the “march-in rights” provision of the Bayh-Dole Act to seize Gilead’s patent and license it to generic manufacturers. The response to this proposal from many IP experts can be roughly divided into three main points: (1) it is not legal; (2) it is not effective; and (3) it is dangerously unwise.

What Is Bayh-Dole?

The Bayh-Dole Act of 1980 was a watershed event in the growth of the American pharmaceutical industry. It allowed companies and universities to retain the IP rights to inventions that were developed using government-funded research. The goal was to improve the efficiency with which innovations were brought to market and to encourage investment and collaboration between government, university, and private researchers. Previously, many research developments never saw the light of day due to lack of commercialization, and likely many other inventions were never born in the first place. Bayh-Dole is widely regarded as a success story on both sides of the aisle.

What Are March-In Rights?

Since the aim of the law is to spur innovation and development, the march-in rights provision was included to counteract patent owners who “hold out” or fail to commercialize their inventions. Under very limited circumstances, it allows the government to “march in” and force the owners to license their patent on reasonable terms to a third party. Just how limited are those circumstances? So far, the 40-year-old provision has been used exactly zero times. It stands to reason that valuable products don’t need to be forced into the market, and many modern treatments–for cancer, diabetes and hepatitis­, among others–have been invented and commercialized under Bayh-Dole collaborations without any intervention.

It Is Not Legal

Notably absent from the list of Bayh-Dole creations is remdesivir. The law only applies to inventions that are “conceived or actually reduced to practice in the performance of work under a funding agreement,” i.e., things that were invented with government help. It does not apply to every case in which a drug maker has worked alongside a government agency at one stage or another. The AG letter cites $30 million in NIH-funded work on remdesivir. It claims that this funding exposes the drug to the march-in provision. The letter also makes a general appeal to our sense of fairness—the public paid for this, and so it rightly belongs to all of us.

As noted by Stephen Ezell of the Information Technology and Innovation Foundation (ITIF), the total government expenditure is actually closer to $70 million. That number includes additional work performed with USAMRIID, the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases. Both projects took place in 2014. The Army study was investigating Gilead’s library of antiviral compounds for effective Ebola treatments. Remdesivir’s compound gave positive results, but other treatments proved better. The NIH project was a clinical trial to explore whether remdesivir could be used against coronaviruses as a general class. Again, it showed promise. But the relevant coronaviruses at the time (SARS and MERS) did not spread widely enough to make larger studies feasible. The NIH study might have enabled Gilead to home in so quickly on remdesivir as a COVID-19 treatment, and in that sense, it would have played a crucial role. But that is not the same thing as having a hand in the actual invention of the drug.

Critically, under both studies, the drug had already been invented by Gilead. Regarding the NIH work, a HHS spokeswoman told STAT that the department does not consider the march-in rights to apply. And as pointed out by Scalia Law Professor Adam Mossoff, Army lawyers have stated that their contributions did “not qualify USAMRIID as a joint inventor of the compound.” Even if they were joint inventors, the NIH has stated that “the extraordinary remedy of march-in is not an appropriate means of controlling prices.”

As CPIP Executive Director Sean O’Connor explains at The Hill, even if inventorship could be established, march-in rights would still not be legal in this case: “[m]arch-in rights under Bayh-Dole’s Section 203 only authorize the government to grant new licenses if the original funding recipient fails to take steps to bring the invention to the market (achieve ‘practical application’) or reasonably satisfy health or safety needs.”

And yet, while it pales in comparison to the over $1 billion that Gilead expects to spend this year on remdesivir, $70 million sounds like a lot of tax dollars. CPIP Senior Scholar Kristen Osenga argues that proponents of marching in “mislead the public, specifically regarding remdesivir and, more generally and dangerously, regarding government support of scientific research.” She urges people to understand that government collaborations are a great deal for the public, and among the most efficient ways that the government spends our money: “The Milken Institute estimates that the long-term boost to total economic output could be as high as $3.20 for every dollar the NIH invests in biopharmaceutical research. Even conservative estimates peg the value of the NIH at $1.70 of economic activity per dollar spent. If only all government spending were so productive.”

It Is Not Effective

The preceding section alone answers the question of whether Bayh-Dole is a legal means of seizing Gilead’s property rights. Clearly, though, it does not quiet the sentiment felt by many that something else needs to be done. In addition to the price tag, the AG letter speaks of a “dangerously low supply” of the drug. But the letter supports that claim with a dubious comparison of Gilead’s expected production output to every single confirmed case of COVID-19 in the country. It should be clear on its face that this is not a valid manner of determining how many patients would actually benefit from remdesivir. It would have been more appropriate to say that future demand is uncertain. Because of course, supply is only one half of the equation. Demand can vary greatly depending on whether we cooperate as a society to contain this virus.

Gilead has, in fact, licensed the drug to third parties in order to increase supply. Currently, its own production will remain domestic. But Joseph Allen at IPWatchdog notes that in addition to ramping up its own capacity, Gilead has deals with drug makers in Egypt, India, and Pakistan to provide supplies internationally. Mr. Allen is also is a former congressional staffer who worked on the Act with its namesake, Senator Birch Bayh (D-Ind.). He adds that, because march-in seizure is a hostile measure, it would involve a drawn-out legal battle. This would render the process far too slow to be effective in a pandemic.

It Is Dangerously Unwise

Far from being proof in support of the AGs’ position, Gilead’s work with NIH is a clear example of how damaging it would be to abuse the march-in rights provision. We desperately want these types of collaborations to continue. And if companies believe that doing so would expose them to the seizure of their IP, they will act accordingly.

Our intellectual property system provides the necessary incentives for companies to invest massive amounts of money and bring new lifesaving drugs to the world. We even allow patents for new uses of existing drugs. As CPIP Senior Fellow for Life Sciences Chris Holman points out, the next great cure might be hiding in your medicine cabinet. But without incentivizing the R&D expenditures that bring us these wonderful inventions, we may never realize it.

It is hard to worry about the future when the present appears so bleak, but it is critically important to understand why it is dangerous to weaken the incentives that have given us so many lifesaving developments. Even if exercising march-in rights were legal, and even if it could somehow increase production, it is necessary to consider the long-term implications. Taking away a company’s rights and forcing it to sell at close to the cost of production may help with the current situation, but it will likely decimate future research. Who would want to spend billions of dollars on R&D without the knowledge that they can obtain IP rights that will have a predictable value? We should ensure that companies remain strongly incentivized to research new treatments that benefit us all.

Categories
Patents Pharma

Professor Joanna Shepherd Explains Pharmaceutical Product Hopping in New CPIP Policy Brief

pharmaceuticalsCPIP has published a new policy brief by Joanna M. Shepherd, Vice Dean and Thomas Simmons Professor of Law at Emory University School of Law. The brief, entitled The Legal and Industry Framework of Pharmaceutical Product Hopping and Considerations for Future Legislation, discusses the practice of so-called “product hopping,” where a pharmaceutical company turns its focus to newer versions of its existing drugs. The newer versions, which may include extended-release formulations, different dosages, and the like, can be protected by new patents if they independently meet the patentability requirements, including novelty, nonobviousness, and utility. However, these newer versions may not be covered by a state’s automatic substitution laws since there are no generics yet available. Those laws only apply when generic versions are on the market.

Prof. Shepherd explains that the product hopping phenomenon is incentivized by the legal and industry framework in which pharmaceutical companies operate. Indeed, the current system allows generic drug companies to free ride on the extensive research, development, approval, and marketing costs borne by the branded drug companies, and the latter are thus motivated to create new and innovative drugs that will further benefit consumers. Despite these benefits, some suggest that we need legislative changes to rein in product hopping, and some even argue that the practice itself violates the antitrust laws. Prof. Shepherd looks at the existing case law on the antitrust issue—a total of two cases at the federal appellate level—to find points of agreement, and she uses that synthesis to suggest considerations for future legislative efforts to balance the needs of consumers and producers. Finally, Prof. Shepherd warns that any legislation aimed at product hopping should be cautious so as not to ultimately harm consumers, reduce innovation, and increase health care spending.

The Executive Summary and Conclusion are copied below:

***

Executive Summary

Ensuring that Americans can afford health-improving and life-saving drugs should be a top priority for policymakers. However, efforts to reduce drug prices must be made carefully so as not to jeopardize the innovation that creates those critical drugs in the first place.

Recently, in the name of reducing drug prices, the makers of innovative drugs have become targets of antitrust suits alleging that their business practices constitute anticompetitive behavior. One such practice is sometimes called “product hopping.” This is the act of shifting a customer base from an older drug to a newer one with a longer remaining patent life. A generic drug maker is still free to sell the generic version of the older drug once its patent expires, but product hopping prevents the generic drug maker from benefitting from state laws that automatically substitute generic drugs at the pharmacy counter. Because product hopping makes it more difficult for generics to “free ride” on the manufacturers’ efforts, many have argued that the practice is anticompetitive.

Case law in this area is sparse, and there is a troubling uncertainty in the industry about what practices will, and should, trigger an antitrust violation. Current legislative proposals attempt to limit or prohibit the two basic forms of product hopping: the “hard switch,” in which the older drug is pulled from the market and replaced with its newer counterpart; and the “soft switch,” in which the older drug remains for sale, but all marketing efforts are shifted to the new drug.

The purpose of this policy brief is to address broad and vague language within those proposals that run counter to their stated goals and to advocate for clear and reasonable standards for assessing when a business’s activities should be deemed anticompetitive. As discussed further below, language that is too broad in scope could cover normal business practices that should not fall under antitrust law. Vague language would introduce legal uncertainty into the equation and weigh heavily on drug developers’ investment decisions, leading to fewer innovative treatments and higher levels of overall national health care spending.

This brief contains four parts. First, I will discuss the legal and industry framework that incentivizes product hopping. Second, I will discuss the current state of product-hopping case law as laid out in New York v. Actavis and Mylan Pharmaceuticals v. Warner Chilcott. Third, I will present considerations for future product-hopping legislation. The guiding principles for determining anticompetitive practices should be: (1) whether a hard switch eliminates consumer choice with no offsetting consumer benefit; and (2) whether a soft switch includes conduct that significantly interferes with consumer choice to the point at which it is effectively eliminated, with no offsetting consumer benefit. Fourth, I will discuss the potential consequences of legislation that is written too broadly or vaguely.

***

Conclusion

All parties generally agree upon the importance of maintaining choice in the pharmaceutical market. But we must bear in mind that true choice is promoted not only by a competitive marketplace of sellers but also by the continual introduction of new and better treatments. Any new legislation must strike a balance that allows for a free and open market without stifling innovation in medicine. And any new antitrust law should be focused on preventing anticompetitive behavior from all sides, rather than preserving or reinforcing the regulatory advantages to which generic drug makers have grown accustomed. Above all, the law must be clear and unambiguous, so that those who are responsible for bringing innovative medicines to the world are not hampered by the inefficiencies of regulatory uncertainty.

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To read the policy brief, please click here.

Categories
Legislation Patent Law

New Paper Looks at “Ill-Advised Legislative Proposals” to Address Pharmaceutical “Evergreening”

The following post comes from Yumi Oda, an LLM Candidate at Scalia Law and a Research Assistant at CPIP.

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"By Yumi Oda

Many believe that drug prices in the U.S. are unnecessarily high because the pharmaceutical industry is exploiting legal loopholes and acquiring dubious patents to extend protection and delay generics from entering the market (so-called “evergreening” behavior by drug innovators). However, CPIP Senior Scholar Chris Holman of the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law has published a new paper arguing that these recent concerns regarding patents and drug prices are unfounded. The paper, entitled Congress Should Decline Ill-Advised Legislative Proposals Aimed at Evergreening of Pharmaceutical Patent Protection and published in the University of the Pacific Law Review, further challenges recent legislative proposals aimed at pharmaceutical evergreening, finding that they “are largely misguided, and, if enacted, would be likely to cause more harm than good by discouraging innovation in pharmaceuticals without effectively addressing the core concern.”

Concepts and Doctrines in the Evergreening Debate

Prof. Holman starts by reviewing the academic literature and other commentaries relevant to the current evergreening debate. He divides his discussion into five concepts and doctrines that have come under scrutiny as purportedly facilitating evergreening: product hopping, product thicketing, secondary patents (or follow-on patents), double patenting, and continuation practice.

1. Product Hopping. Prof. Holman explains that the pejorative term “product hopping” is aimed at “pharmaceutical companies’ efforts to develop follow-on products and to switch patients to these products from an earlier version of the drug.” Critics, who now acknowledge “the fact that literal evergreening generally does not occur,” have shifted the argument to blame product hopping for forcing a market shift by making only a small change to an existing patented drug, such as with a new form, formulation, or dosage, and convincing doctors to prescribe it. Of course, while no patent directed to an earlier composition or biologic is permissible, a new patent on a new formulation, manufacturing process, or use of a previous drug is allowed in our patent system. While some may attack these new patents as a type of evergreening, Prof. Holman points out that these are the very types of innovations the patent system is meant to encourage.

2. Patent Thicketing. Prof. Holman describes another pejorative term, “patent thickets,” which refers to pharmaceutical “companies obtaining multiple patents covering a single pharmaceutical product.” Popularized in the early 2000s and dating back to the term “patent anticommons” that was coined in the late 1990s, patent thickets originally raised concerns that when “too many patents” around the same product are held by different owners, transactional licensing costs could increase substantially. Prof. Holman points to a recent review of patent thicket literature demonstrating that the term is not used coherently. In fact, patent thickets today are sometimes claimed to exist even when the patents are held by the same owner, where potential transaction cost issues would not apply.

3. Secondary or Follow-On Patents. So-called “secondary patents” are those that claim something other than the active ingredients in drugs, such as new formulations or dosages. Prof. Holman dislikes the term “secondary patents” since it suggests they are somehow less meritorious and less worthy of patent protection, and he instead chooses to call them “follow-on patents” since they generally follow the invention of the active ingredient. Critics often target follow-on patents based on the belief that “a drug is a single product and thus should only be subject to the protection of a single patent.” However, Prof. Holman explains that this view oversimplifies how pharmaceutical inventions come about and underappreciates their true value for patients. For example, his earlier article illustrates how Burroughs-Wellcome obtained a follow-on patent for AZT, a failed cancer drug that was ultimately used to treat AIDS.

4. Double Patenting. Some critics complain that pharmaceutical companies are engaged in “double patenting,” where they obtain multiple patents on the same invention or obvious variations of a patented invention. Prof. Holman explains that double patenting rejections—especially nonstatutory, “obviousness-type” rejections—prevent a patent applicant from extending the patent term by filing a second patent “on a non-identical but still merely obvious variant of a patented invention.” Nevertheless, some critics argue that companies are avoiding such rejections by “dressing up part” of their original invention “as a new one,” and they claim that prohibitions on double patenting should be strengthened. Prof. Holman notes that these arguments typically focus particularly on pharmaceutical products, and they fail to consider the effect such changes would have on inventions more generally.

5. Continuation Practice. Prof. Holman explains that some commentators argue that pharmaceutical companies are using continuation practice to engage in evergreening. Continuations entitle patent applications to benefit from the filing date of an earlier-filed patent application, and the patent applicant can amend claims or even add new ones so long as they are supported by the parent application. Some critics claim that this practice allows pharmaceutical companies to “obtain multiple patents covering obvious variants of the same drug” and to extend effective patent terms. However, Prof. Holman notes that these concerns have already been successfully addressed by Congress in statutory amendments.

Proposed Legislation Aimed at the Pharmaceutical Industry

Having identified and summarized the concepts and doctrines that arise in the evergreening debate, Prof. Holman then analyzes three proposed bills from 2019 that are specifically designed to rein in evergreening in the pharmaceutical industry: the Affordable Prescriptions for Patients Act of 2019, the No Combination Drug Patents Act, and the Terminating the Extension of Rights Misappropriated Act of 2019.

1. Affordable Prescriptions for Patients Act of 2019. The Affordable Prescriptions for Patients Act of 2019 attempts to tackle product hopping and patent thicketing. To combat product hopping, the bill would make it a prima facie antitrust violation for a drug manufacturer to (1) discontinue or withdraw the “reference drug’s” application (or announce discontinuance of or withdrawal of the application) once it receives notice of an application to market a generic version or (2) market or sell a follow-on product during a period of time referred to as the “competition window.” A drug manufacturer can rebut the presumption by showing that the drug was discontinued or withdrawn from the market for “significant and documented safety reasons.”

The bill would also make pharmaceutical patent thicketing a prima facie antitrust violation. The bill broadly defines “patent thicketing” as covering any action by a patentee to limit competition for an approved drug when certain conditions are met. A drug manufacturer can rebut the presumption by establishing that the pro-competitive effects of the action are not outweighed by its anti-competitive effects, which in turn can be rebutted by the FTC demonstrating that the harm to consumers outweighs the benefit from the action.

Prof. Holman warns that the effect of this bill “would be to discourage pharmaceutical innovators from improving existing products,” instead of encouraging further innovation and research to improve the first version of a drug. Prof. Holman cites testimony by Prof. David Olson before the Senate Judiciary Committee stating that, despite the common misconception that a large number of patents delays innovation, “there is no conclusive evidence that smartphone or other high-tech innovation is being retarded by the large numbers of patents that may cover these devices.” Prof. Olson explains that this is also true for pharmaceutical patents, where the number of patents covering one specific drug is relatively low—not enough “to constitute a substantial thicket that will deter innovation.”

2. No Combination Drug Patents Act. The No Combination Drug Patents Act would change the nonobviousness standard under Section 103 for follow-on pharmaceutical innovations. If enacted, it would create a presumption that any “covered claimed invention” is obvious if it “contains or uses a drug or biological product that is prior art” and differs from the prior art under one or more of four enumerated criteria. An applicant may rebut this presumption by showing that the invention is either a new treatment for a new indication or that it leads to a statistically significant increase in the drug’s efficacy.

Prof. Holman points out that the proposed “rule of construction” exempting certain claimed inventions “could largely eviscerate the bill’s effect,” depending on how it is interpreted. He presents three possible interpretations, two of which could be easily overcome by filing a divisional application. Under the third possible interpretation, which seems like the one the bill’s drafters intended, Prof. Holman predicts that pharmaceutical companies would be forced to significantly change their current patent filing strategy, which affords some time to figure out and secure claims directed to inventions that were unknown when the parent application was filed, by starting to file many patent applications at the outset.

Stepping back for a moment, Prof. Holman explains that the proposal to raise the nonobviousness bar especially for follow-on pharmaceutical patents is not new. However, he questions such a proposition because the “assumption that many types of pharmaceutical inventions are inherently obvious and undeserving of patent protection” does not withstand scrutiny. Prof. Holman notes that numerous follow-on inventions have been upheld by the courts and recognized for the positive impact they have on people’s lives. (For a CPIP policy brief by Prof. Holman responding to such a proposal by the United Nations, please see here.)

3. Terminating the Extension of Rights Misappropriated Act of 2019. Finally, Prof. Holman discusses the Terminating the Extension of Rights Misappropriated Act of 2019, which is designed to prevent double patenting in drug patents by presuming that the patentee has “disclaimed the patent term for each of the listed patents after the date on which the term the first patent expires.” Prof. Holman explains that the bill neither alters the standard for determining obviousness-type double patenting, nor the remedy, but it does shift the burden of proof from the PTO to the patent applicant to prove that the listed patents are patently distinct from one another. The bill would also require the PTO to conduct a comprehensive review of its examination procedures.

Conclusion

Prof. Holman echoes Senator Thom Tillis’ concern that “by just focusing on patent protections, and the number of patent protections available to a single product, [Congress] may be doing more harm than good to our nation’s innovation economy.” And he notes that it “is important to bear in mind that the reason there has been such an uproar over the price of drugs is that these drugs provide huge benefits for society, far exceeding most other patentable innovation.” Prof. Holman mentions that these drugs would probably not have been available in the first place without proper incentives, and he worries that the legislation aimed at preventing the perceived problems with evergreening “could discourage the investment necessary to bring the next generation of pharmaceutical innovation to patients.”

Further, Prof. Holman criticizes the current evergreening debate for failing to target the supposed misuse of patents by going after the patents and not that misuse. For example, if the claim of product hopping were true and patients were being prescribed much more expensive drugs with no additional benefit, that would be an issue with the market, not with the patent system. Similarly, if drug companies were using anti-competitive means in the same scenario, that would be an antitrust violation, not a patent issue. As such, instead of the current legislative proposals targeting the patents themselves, Prof. Holman concludes that any legislation should focus on the alleged bad actions of pharmaceutical companies, not on changing the patent incentives for pharmaceuticals inventions overall.

Categories
Antitrust Biotech Patents Pharma

Recent Developments in the Life Sciences: The Continuing Assault on Innovation by Antitrust Plaintiffs in Lantus

By Erika Lietzan

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"In February, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the First Circuit held, in a direct purchaser antitrust action, that an innovative pharmaceutical company marketing an injectable drug product had “improperly listed” in FDA’s Orange Book a patent claiming a mechanism used in the drug’s delivery device. As I explain below, the ruling creates the specter of antitrust liability for steps taken in good faith to comply with a complex regulatory framework that overlaps in part with patent law. I explain below how the ruling puts biopharmaceutical innovators in a tough spot.

First, the legal framework.

Federal law requires each company that submits a new drug application to identify the patents that claim the drug or a method of using the drug (if a claim of patent infringement could reasonably be asserted against someone who made, used, or sold the drug without a license). The application cannot be approved, if the company fails to submit the required information on a patent that satisfies the listing standard. (See section 505(d)(6) of the drug statute, here.) FDA publishes the patent numbers and expiration dates in the “Orange Book,” which takes the form of a PDF and electronic database.

Federal law also requires a generic drug applicant to take a position with respect to every patent that claims the drug or a method of using the drug — effectively, every patent listed in the Orange Book. For every unexpired patent, the generic applicant has two choices, which dictate when its application can be approved. (There’s a third option for a patent claiming a method of using the drug, which isn’t relevant here.)

It can choose to wait for patent expiry, which means filing a “paragraph 3 certification.” In this scenario, FDA cannot approve its generic drug for market entry until expiry of the patent.

Or it can say that it plans to market right away, because its product doesn’t infringe the patent or because it thinks the patent invalid, which means filing a “paragraph 4 certification.” In this scenario, it must notify the innovator (and patent owner, if different). (I’ll just say “innovator,” going forward.) As far as this patent is concerned, FDA can approve the generic drug for market entry as soon as its review is complete and assuming the generic drug is otherwise approvable with one important exception. If the patent was listed before the generic drug company submitted its application, and if the innovator files a patent infringement suit within 45 days of receiving notice, then final approval of the generic application is stayed for 30 months or until a district court ruling in the generic company’s favor (whichever happens first). The paragraph 4 certification is considered an act of infringement, which creates federal court jurisdiction.

The patent listing mechanism is intended to facilitate litigation of patent issues before market entry, which both industries wanted. The generic companies wanted a way to litigate these issues before launching, for example, because doing so avoids the risk of damages (for more information, see my article on the history and political economy of the legislation). The scheme encourages generic companies to participate by offering 180-day exclusivity in the market for the first to file a (true) generic application with paragraph 4 certification, and it encourages innovators to participate by offering the 30-month stay that makes it possible for the patent to be litigated before the generic drug launches.

These rules apply to companies that file true generic applications, for exact copies of the innovator’s drug. And with one exception they also apply to companies that file a different type kind of abbreviated application known as a 505(b)(2) application. The distinction between the types of application isn’t critical here. The one exception is that companies filing 505(b)(2) applications with paragraph 4 certifications aren’t eligible for 180-day exclusivity.

Second, applying the framework to combination products in particular.

The listing standard — “any patent which claims the drug for which the applicant submitted the application or which claims a method of using such” — has proved vexing to interpret.

In 1994, FDA published its first regulation interpreting this provision, stating that it meant “drug substance (ingredient) patents, drug product (formulation and composition) patents, and method of use patents,” but not “process patents.” But there have been questions about a variety of patent types over the years, and in 2003 — responding in part to requests for elaboration — the agency revised its regulations to provide more details about what it required to be listed and what was not to be listed.

At issue here: what to do with combination products. These products combine two regulated components, such as a device and a drug. Two discrete products packaged together for use together are, together, considered a “combination product.” But the phrase also means a single finished product that comprises two regulated components — thus a drug and device produced as a single entity. Combination products thus include prefilled drug delivery devices — such as a prefilled drug syringe, an auto-injector, or an metered dose inhaler (see here).

The question is whether the statute requires companies to list patents associated with the device component of these products.

FDA considered this in the 2003 rulemaking. The final regulation is 21 C.F.R. § 314.53, but the agency’s explanation of the regulation in the Federal Register — which has the formal status of an “advisory opinion” — is just as important.

The agency decided that “patents claiming a package or container must not be submitted.” Packaging and containers are “distinct from the drug product.”

Several commenters also argued that patents claiming devices that are “integral” to the drug product or require approval should be listed. FDA offered what it labeled as a “response.” The agency didn’t write that these patents “should” be listed, or that they “should not” be listed. Instead it said that a “drug product” is the drug in its “finished dosage form” — meaning the form administered to patients. And, it added, the current list of “dosage forms for approved products” — which appears in an appendix to the Orange Book — includes “aerosols, capsules, metered sprays, gels, and pre-filled drug delivery systems.” Elsewhere it wrote that a patent claiming the finished dosage form “must be submitted for listing.”

Now, the litigation and First Circuit ruling.

Sanofi-Aventis holds the approved marketing application for Lantus (insulin glargine recombinant), a long-acting human insulin analog used in treating diabetes. At first the company sold Lantus in multiple dose vials and in cartridges for use with a (separate) insulin delivery device. In 2007, however, FDA approved a supplemental application for sale of Lantus in a single-patient-use prefilled injector pen.

Sanofi has listed several patents in connection with Lantus. In connection with the prefilled pen, the company listed U.S. Patent No. 8,556,864 (drive mechanisms suitable for use in drug delivery devices), which issued in October 2013 and expires in March 2024. The parties agree that the ’864 patent claims the drive mechanism used in the Lantus pens, and FDA would not have approved the prefilled pens without a showing that the pen (including the drive mechanism) ensures patients safely receive accurate doses. But — and this turned out to be critical in the end — the patent doesn’t mention insulin glargine. Nevertheless, according to the agency, an insulin injector pen is a prefilled drug delivery system. And this makes it a dosage form. And patents claiming dosage forms must be listed.

In 2013, Eli Lilly submitted a 505(b)(2) application for a copy of Lantus, which it planned to market as Basaglar. It included a paragraph 4 certification to the ’864 patent and to various other patents as well. Sanofi brought suit. The case settled on the morning trial was scheduled to begin, with Lilly agreeing to pay for a license to launch in December 2016, seven years before patent expiry.

The plaintiffs in this antitrust litigation are drug wholesalers. They claim, among other things, that Sanofi improperly listed the ’864 patent. (As far as I can tell, Lilly didn’t raise the issue.) The district court dismissed their first amended complaint, pointing out that FDA has interpreted “drug products” to include “prefilled drug delivery systems” and that patents claiming drug products must be listed. The plaintiffs amended their complaint, but the district court dismissed again on largely the same grounds. Under a “reasonable interpretation” of the agency’s regulations, Sanofi had to submit the patent for listing. So, it couldn’t have been improper conduct to list the patent.

The First Circuit’s ruling came as a shock. In a unanimous decision, Judge Kayatta wrote that Sanofi had improperly listed the patent. He reasoned as follows. First, the statute and regulations call for listing of patents that claim the drug, and the patent doesn’t even mention the drug. Second, in 2003 FDA didn’t adopt the proposal that devices “integral” to the product should be listed. Instead, the agency said that companies should list patents that claim the finished dosage form. And this patent doesn’t, the court wrote; it claims a device that can be combined with other components to produce the finished dosage form.

Finally, the implications.

The innovative pharmaceutical industry has asked FDA repeatedly since 2003 — at least four times, including in citizen petitions — to clarify whether patents directed to drug delivery systems are supposed to be listed, if they don’t recite the drug’s active ingredient or formulation. The agency never answered these requests.

Although FDA’s failure to respond has been frustrating, it is my understanding that most companies — consulting with patent and regulatory counsel — have concluded these patents should be listed and that, in fact, they list them, and FDA publishes them. I have always thought this was the best reading of what FDA wrote in 2003. At the very least, it is a reasonable reading of what FDA wrote. It is deeply concerning that the First Circuit now purports to answer this question for the agency — no, these patents do not satisfy the listing standard — in litigation to which FDA was not a party and could not explain its interpretation of the statute or its expectations.

The decision is also fundamentally hostile to pharmaceutical innovators. The Hatch-Waxman scheme — statute, regulations, guidance, and precedent — is complex, and figuring out how it applies in any particular situation can be tricky. There are other unresolved listing issues, which companies and their counsel work through in good faith. The lesson here seems to be that an innovator trying to navigate uncertainty about the listing requirements does so at its peril.

On the one hand, failing to list a patent that satisfies the criteria has serious consequences. Listing is not voluntary; the statute requires it. The company must declare (“under penalty of perjury”) that its patent submission is “accurate and complete.” The patent submission form reminds the company that “a willfully and knowingly false statement is a criminal offense” under 18 U.S.C. § 1001. (And at least in theory, FDA would reject an application that lacked the required patent information, though I don’t know if this has ever happened or if it would happen.) Most importantly, failing to list a patent means there is no paragraph 4 certification, and thus no artificial act of infringement, and no opportunity to enforce the patent before generic market launch. Failing to list also passes up the benefit of the 30-month stay. And there may be concern that failure to list a patent is some sort of admission against the innovator’s interests in litigation.

On the other hand, listing a patent that doesn’t satisfy the criteria attracts antitrust scrutiny, presumably because the listing places an administrative burden on generic applicants and might trigger a stay of approval. And this case shows that a hostile court may disagree with the company’s reading of the statute, regulations, Federal Register, and precedent. Even if a company adopts what appears to many to be a reasonable interpretation of the patent listing requirements, a court might interpret the listing requirements on its own — without the benefits of FDA’s views — and force the company into expensive and time-consuming antitrust litigation. Indeed, two bloggers recently praised the decision, recommending that generic companies “examine the Orange Book listings,” as they may contain a “rich vein” for antitrust claims.

To be sure, as the court wrote, Sanofi can try to show, on remand, that its submission was “the result of a reasonable, good-faith attempt to comply with the Hatch-Waxman scheme.” This would provide a defense to any liability under the Sherman Act for “antitrust injury caused by” the submission. But the burden has shifted to the company, and much of the language in the court’s opinion suggests that this will be an uphill battle. (E.g., “The statute and regulations clearly require that only patents that claim the drug for which the NDA is submitted should be listed in the Orange Book. The ’864 patent … does not fit the bill.”)

A postscript from the administrative law side of the table.

Consider a counterfactual.

As a preliminary matter, recall that FDA’s regulations require companies to list patents on drug products. These regulations also state that the phrase “drug product” refers to a drug in its “finished dosage form.” FDA has said, for years, that a patent claiming a finished dosage form “must be submitted for listing.” Finally, it has listed prefilled drug delivery systems as a type of “dosage form” in the Orange Book.

Now suppose that FDA had responded to the industry requests for clarification and stated definitively — given what I just wrote — that a patent claiming any component of a prefilled syringe must be listed? In my view, this would be a defensible position for the agency to have taken, given the statute, the regulations, and what it has written to date.

What would have happened if this hypothetical FDA decision had gone to the First Circuit for review, in a totally different kind of lawsuit? Would the First Circuit really conclude that the agency’s interpretation of the statute was unreasonable or impermissible (Chevron)? Would it really conclude that the agency’s interpretation of its regulation was “plainly erroneous or inconsistent with the regulation” (Auer)? And if we think that the courts would (or should) defer to FDA in this hypothetical case, how can Sanofi’s decision possibly have been unreasonable?

In the end, the First Circuit’s ruling contains a troubling lesson for pharmaceutical innovators. When navigating uncertainty about a patent’s status under the patent listing requirements, even if it seems reasonable to conclude that FDA would require listing and even if the agency won’t answer the question, listing the patent in good faith creates a serious risk of facing antitrust litigation. The alternative, equally unappealing, is to relinquish the opportunity to enforce the patent before generic market entry, which conflicts with the purpose and design of the Hatch-Waxman Amendments and undermines the value of the patent.

Categories
FTC Healthcare

CPIP Scholars Join Comments to FTC on How Antitrust Overreach is Threatening Healthcare Innovation

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"On December 21, 2018, CPIP Senior Scholars Adam Mossoff and Kristen Osenga joined former Federal Circuit Chief Judge Randall Rader and SIU Law’s Mark Schultz in comments submitted to the FTC as part of its ongoing Competition and Consumer Protection in the 21st Century Hearings. Through the hearings, the FTC is examining whether recent economic or technological changes warrant adjustments to competition or consumer protection laws. The comments submitted to the FTC explain how the FTC itself is harming innovation in the health sciences by meddling in patent disputes between branded and generic drug companies.

The introduction is copied below, and the comments can be downloaded here.

***

How Antitrust Overreach is Threatening Healthcare Innovation

Imagine passing a rigorous test with flying colors, only to be told that you need to start over because you weren’t wearing the right clothing or you wrote your answers in the wrong color. Does that sound silly? Unfair? That scenario is happening to the American pharmaceutical industry thanks to regulators at the Federal Trade Commission who aren’t content to let the Food & Drug Administration (the experts in pharmaceutical safety and regulation) and federal courts (which referee disputes between branded and generic drug companies) decide when new drugs are ready to come to market. The consequences of these regulatory actions impact people’s lives.

The development and widespread availability of safe and effective pharmaceutical products has helped people live longer and better lives. The pharmaceutical industry invests billions each year in research and infrastructure and employs millions of Americans. The industry is closely regulated by many agencies, most notably the FDA, which requires extensive testing for safety and effectiveness before new drugs enter the market. Many thoughtful proposals have been advanced to improve and modernize the FDA’s review and approval of new drugs, but there is broad agreement that the FDA’s basic role in drug approval serves valid ends.

In recent years, however, other government agencies have played an increasingly intrusive role in deciding whether and when new drugs can enter the market. One such agency is the Federal Trade Commission, which has recently taken steps to block branded drug companies from settling patent litigation with generic drug makers. The FTC substitutes its own judgment for the business judgment of sophisticated parties, simultaneously weakening the patent rights of branded drug companies that spend billions in drug discovery and development and delaying generic drug companies from bringing consumers low cost alternatives to branded drugs. This example of government agencies picking winners and losers—indeed, deciding there should be no winners and losers—harms consumers in the short run by slowing access to drugs and in the long run by weakening innovation.

This paper describes the role of patents in protecting drugs and the special patent litigation regime Congress enacted in the 1980s to carefully balance the needs of branded drug companies, generic competitors, and consumers. Although these systems are not perfect, the FTC’s overreach in its regulatory powers in this area of the innovation economy results in a net loss for American consumers, as described below.

To read the comments, please click here.

Categories
Patent Law Pharma

Recognizing the Limits of Government Procurement in the Pharmaceutical Industries

pharmaceuticalsWhile recent headlines claim that rising drug prices can be easily addressed through government intervention, the procedures involved with government use of patented technologies are complex and often misunderstood. In addition to owning and practicing a vast portfolio of patents, the government has the power to procure and use patented technologies—including pharmaceutical medicines—in limited circumstances without specific authorization, license, or consent. But despite established mechanisms for government use of intellectual property, some advocates are now promoting an unprecedented and expansive interpretation of procurement that would deprive patent owners of their rights and threaten pharmaceutical innovation.

Today, escalating health care costs raise concerns from lawmakers on both sides of the political aisle. The U.S. pharmaceutical market alone was $333 billion in 2014.[1] Critics cite the escalating cost of certain specialty drugs as a leading cause of the high cost of health care, and some argue that price disparities have a disproportionate effect on certain groups. Accordingly, it has been argued that the federal government already has a responsibility and the necessary legal tools to combat the high price of drugs, e.g., through its procurement procedures. Yet combating disproportionate drug prices through government procurement should be a carefully considered process and not one based on misrepresentations of the history and rationale behind federal procurement procedures.

Federal Government Procurement Overview

The U.S. government oversees a vast and complex procurement system, including the General Services Administration (e.g., real estate, property, and services), the Federal Acquisition Regulation (FAR) system, and vast federal contracting. In sum, the annual federal budget will exceed $4.4 trillion in 2019.[2] Advocates note that the federal government spent nearly $1.1 trillion on health care alone in 2018.[3] In the health care sector, the federal government’s role is also exemplified by the following categories of activity: the direct purchasing of pharmaceutical through federal agency programs including, the Veterans Health Administration, Department of Defense, Indian Health Service, and Federal Bureau of Prisons; indirectly through other federally sponsored health insurance programs, notably Medicare and Medicaid; and, more broadly through its oversight and other involvement with private sector health insurance plans.

There is no denying that the federal government is a significant participant in the health care system. In the aforementioned contexts, the government generally seeks the legal right to use a patented product (e.g., a medicine or medical device) at a specified purchase price. But federal law provides a mechanism for the government to procure patented products and services without a specific authorization, license, or consent. Further, federal law allows it to use patents without prior consent (this is the quintessential definition of infringement), under limited circumstances, in exchange for compensation to the patent holder. Advocates argue that the federal government should now broadly and unprecedentedly employ this procurement power to combat high drug prices.

Congress’ Enactment of Section 1498(a)

In the early 1900s, Congress enacted legislation permitting the federal government to use patented products without the permission of the rights holder in exchange for some compensation. The statute, § 1498, states:

Whenever an invention described in and covered by a patent of the United States is used or manufactured by or for the United States without license of the owner thereof or lawful right to use or manufacture the same, the owner’s remedy shall be by action against the United States in the United States Court of Federal Claims for the recovery of his reasonable and entire compensation for such use and manufacture.

28 U.S.C. § 1498(a) (emphasis added).

Congress enacted this law (and its subsequent amendments) in response to a number of war time and national security needs, which required the government and its federal contractors to use the inventions of recalcitrant patent owners. In essence, § 1498(a) is a waiver of the federal government’s historic sovereign immunity (hence allowing for lawsuits against the government) while ensuring that the patent owners receive fair compensation. As the statute currently reads, this government intervention is offset by promising “reasonable and entire compensation for such use and manufacture.”

Section 1498 emerged as a solution to a technical standing problem that was preventing IP owners from suing the government for infringement (going back into the 1800s) without reverting to legal fictions such as implied contract. It did not arise simply as strong-arm takings power to benefit the government and contractors. Rather, it is a careful compromise to provide a clear path forward for IP owners while freeing the government from the threats of litigation, such as injunctive relief. While any government intervention in the marketplace must be viewed with some suspicion, the statute ensures that the government will recognize the contribution of innovators through some form of compensation (e.g., an ex post facto royalty).

Scholars conclude that that the statute’s original purpose was to allow the federal government and contractors more flexibility in activities during war time efforts[4]—for example, the government’s procurement of the parts necessary for military equipment or naval ship building. The statute has been used in very few other categories. The Supreme Court observed:

The intention and purpose of Congress in the Act of 1918 was to stimulate contractors to furnish what was needed for the War, without fear of becoming liable themselves for infringements to inventors or the owners or assignees of patents. The letter of the Assistant Secretary of the Navy, upon which the Act of 1918 was passed, leaves no doubt that this was the occasion for it.

Richmond Screw Anchor Co. v. United States, 275 U.S. 331, 345 (1928).

The law and literature reveals two important aspects about § 1498(a). First, it was intended for the government’s limited use of a certain category of patented inventors while respecting their innovative contribution with compensation for their efforts. Rather than civilian inventions, the § 1498(a) case law presents a theme: a series of military, war time, and post-war research related inventions, including weapons, communications equipment involving the Signal Corps of the Army, to stealth airplane carbon fiber fighter plane panels.[5] Second, it was intended as a war time safety valve against recalcitrant inventors – essentially, as a national defense provision. It has been used rarely and in limited contexts. Even when the nation faced an anthrax attack scare, its use was threatened by then HHS Secretary Tommy Thompson, but never actually used.[6] Moreover, it is not a price control mechanism. Nowhere in the text of the statute, the legislative history, nor Supreme Court case law endorses § 1498 as a discount federal procurement mechanism. In other words, § 1498(a) is not a “Groupon” for discounted federal shopping sprees.

Even those advocating for the use § 1498 as a discount procurement tool note a number of potential problems, which include the likelihood of undercompensating innovators and undermining pharmaceutical firms’ incentives to innovate, the potential overuse by the federal government, and giving too much responsibility and discretion to courts to make decisions in this category. Critics of the statute’s use in this context observe that as with any government intervention in the marketplace, consequently, it has a number of negative effects—e.g., chilling innovation, more uncertainty around R&D. The issue about preserving the incentives for R&D for new cutting-edge medicines is not abstract. A Tufts University center study reports that, on average, more than $2.6 billion is spent on R&D for a new prescription drug that gains market approval; the life-cycle cost rises to $2.9 billion when other post-approval develop costs are included.[7] In practice, for every drug that is successfully developed, reviewed, and made available to patients, many dozens more fail.[8] Due to this high failure rate and the costly investment in R&D, well-balanced intellectual property rights are essential for innovators to commercialize the products that do make it to market and improve—or even save—patients’ lives.

In practice, the use of § 1498(a) raises a number of other challenges. The application of a “reasonable royalty” itself leads to uncertainty and lengthy dispute settlement time frames. Ultimately, the retroactive decision of whatever truly is a “reasonable royalty” requires a heightened reliance on the courts to determine its “reasonableness.” The opponents note that this undermines certainty and chills the incentives for innovation. Also, the limited scope of the government’s direct applicability (e.g., prisons, Indian tribes) questions whether this makes its use either an ineffective solution for the public at-large or it will distort markets further by the misallocation of costs on different communities.

Notwithstanding its poor legal mooring for this purpose, in the end, § 1498 is an impractical tool for lowering drug pricing nationwide, vis-à-vis, the widespread government procurement of medicines in the national health care marketplace. As a general proposition, every fundamental understanding of government and liberty informs us that the federal government cannot just seize one’s property—house, livestock, vehicles—for free. Nor can the government use patented inventions (IP) for free.

Conclusion

Today, the Nation faces an increasing populist hue and cry surrounding a number of public health challenges, including the availability and affordability of patented pharmaceuticals. As the cost of drugs sharply rises, outpacing the rate of inflation, policy-makers consider a range of public policy options. The use of a compulsory license or the § 1498 statute offers a superficial false hope/promise to reduce health care spending. Hence, it is naïve to suggest that the government procurement process is designed to give short shrift to inventors by depriving them of just compensation.

Nothing in the § 1498 statute’s wording, history, nor congressionally-mandated purpose supports its role as either a general procurement or price control tool. As with all government interventions into the market place, it has potential consequences. In this context, the consequences are ultimately harmful, e.g., threatening to harm future medical innovation by reducing the incentives for R&D and creating uncertainty in the marketplace. While the goals at the heart of this debate are quite worthy (i.e., increased drug availability and affordability), policy-makers should consider other measures that avoid the inevitable negative consequences. The federal government has an alternate, powerful array of tools at its disposal to improve the access and quality for health care. In sum, § 1498 was never contemplated to be a general procurement discount vehicle—hence the federal government should not begin mistakenly prescribing it.


[1] https://www.trade.gov/topmarkets/pdf/Pharmaceuticals_Executive_Summary.pdf.

[2] The federal government purchases hundreds of billions of dollars of goods and services annually through an array of intricate procurement procedures and systems. These systems are based on willing sellers who work within the government framework (e.g., the schedules also known as Federal Supply Schedules and the Multiple Award Schedules (MAS)) to ensure fairness and a level playing field with pre-negotiated prices rather than letting the federal government use patented products without compensation. See generally https://www.gsa.gov/buying-selling/purchasing-programs/gsa-schedules.

[3] https://www.taxpolicycenter.org/briefing-book/how-much-does-federal-government-spend-health-care (The break down includes spending Medicare ($583 billion), the Medicaid and Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP) ($399 billion), and veteran’s medical ($70 billion)).

[4] Sean M. O’Connor, Taking, Tort, or Crown Right? The Confused Early History of Government Patent Policy, 12 J. Marshall Rev. Intell. Prop. L. 145-204 (2012).

[5] Id. at 190.

[6]Thompson Negotiating With Drug Companies to Purchase Anthrax Antibiotics; Sees No Need to Override Cipro Patent,” June 11, 2009 (“Tony Jewell, an HHS spokesperson, said that agency officials ‘do not believe’ that breaking the patent is necessary, adding, ‘It would not save money to break the patent.'” https://khn.org/morning-breakout/dr00007586/.

[7] https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/cost-to-develop-new-pharmaceutical-drug-now-exceeds-2-5b/.

[8] “The overall attrition rate for new drugs remains high—‘horrendously high’ according to [U.S.] NIH Director Francis Collins—and may be increasing. Recent estimates place the phase 2 failure rate at sixty-five to seventy percent and even higher for drugs with new mechanisms of action.” Erika Lietzan, The Drug Innovation Paradox, 83 Missouri Law Review 39 at 78-79 (2018) (describing the U.S. regime).

Categories
Innovation Patent Law Pharma

A Cure Worse Than the Disease? Proposed Changes to European Patent Law are Threatening Pharmaceutical Innovation

a hand reaching for a hanging, shining keyInnovation is all around us. We love and appreciate the latest video games, software apps, and smartphones. We await the integration of self-driving cars and other forms of artificial intelligence. Beyond the gadgets and luxuries we think we can’t live without, there are even more essential products that affect the lives of millions around the world on a daily basis. Patented medicines are at the top of the list of innovations that save lives and preserve the quality of life. Unfortunately, some proposed changes to European patent law are jeopardizing the development and delivery of safe and effective drugs, threatening jobs and innovation, and putting global public health at risk.

Policy-makers and the public acknowledge that balance is critical in the legal regimes governing essential medicines. Our generation is the beneficiary of patent protections which strike a balance. European regulators have long acknowledged that the benefits of new cures (e.g., arising from the research and development of therapies) require a societal investment in the form of intensive capital resources and strong intellectual property protection. In turn, a balanced system includes a reasonable patent term as a quid pro quo for the public disclosure of knowledge and the follow-on generic industry.

The medicines sector highlights the need for that careful balance, as well as the success of the current legal regime. New drug research and the development of new cures is extremely capital intensive. Legions of European scientists, engineers, and clinicians can work for years on a new drug’s development and regulatory review. A recent Tufts University center study reports that, on average, more than $2.6 billion is spent on R&D for a new prescription drug that gains market approval; the life-cycle cost rises to $2.9 billion when other post-approval development costs are included.[1] This is a 145% increase, correcting for inflation, over the estimate the center made in 2003.

In practice, for every drug that is successfully developed, reviewed, and made available to patients, many dozens more fail. CPIP Senior Scholar Erika Lietzan has observed:

The overall attrition rate for new drugs remains high—‘horrendously high’ according to [U.S.] NIH Director Francis Collins—and may be increasing. Recent estimates place the phase 2 failure rate at sixty-five to seventy percent and even higher for drugs with new mechanisms of action.[2]

Due to this high failure rate and costly investment in R&D, well-balanced intellectual property rights are essential for innovators to commercialize the products that do make it to market and improve—or even save—consumers’ lives.

Medicines must be safe and effective, and while regulatory review is essential, it is a time-consuming and highly expensive process. The reality is that the essential patent term is eaten away by years of regulatory review delay.[3] This extra review process is what makes the investment and research questions in the bio-pharmaceutical space so different from a smartphone or the latest virtual reality entertainment software. Professor Lietzan christened this the “innovation paradox.” She explains:

In medicine today, we face an innovation paradox. Companies that develop new medicines depend on a period of exclusive marketing after approval, to fund their research and development programs. This period is made possible by patent protection and regulatory data exclusivity.[4]

Likewise, it is the reason that there needs to be some supplementary legal protection to raise new capital and investments for cures and therapies.

The practical effect is that the necessary regulatory review results in the loss of years of effective patent term protection, warranting special treatment for innovative pharmaceutical products that come to market with little time to realize the benefits of exclusivity. In the 1990s, European policy-makers successfully restored the balance between innovation and the public interest by establishing the Supplementary Protection Certificate (SPC), which provides limited exclusive legal protection after a patent’s expiry.

Supplemental Protection Certificates Ensure a Necessary Balance

Supplementary Protection Certificates (SPCs) reinforce the balance between the rights of innovators and the public by extending the exclusive term for a variety of compounds, e.g., human and veterinary medicines and plant products. SPCs provide a limited extension of legal protections (e.g., exclusivity capped at five-and-one-half years) to compensate for the patent term effectively lost during the regulatory review process to ensure safety and efficacy.

Since SPCs were established, it is estimated that more than 20,000 SPCs for patented products have been filed in Europe during the period 1991–2016.[5] Despite the SPC’s twenty-plus-year track record of success, it, and the balance it preserves, is coming under pressure due to special interest lobbying by the generic drug industry.

The European Commission (EC) recently proposed waiving the SPC for pharmaceuticals and biosimilars[6] and permitting limited generic drug protection via the following two provisions prior to the SPC’s expiration:

(1) The “Manufacturing Provision.” This proposal would “allow EU generic or biosimilar manufacturers to develop and store generic or biosimilar manufacturers in Europe . . . with the goal of enabling immediate generic or biosimilar market entry following the expiration of intellectual property protections . . . .”

(2) The “Export Provision.” This proposal would “allow generic or biosimilar manufacturers to export products to countries where no intellectual property protection for the products is in place.”

While these two proposals are touted as limited in scope, their impact would be significant and detrimental on many fronts across Europe, including for the public health, innovation, jobs, and trade.

The Dangerous Impact of SPC Waiver

The overall impact of the SPC waiver threatens the balance that has worked so well for twenty-plus years, plain and simple. Specifically, the negative impact and risks are evidenced through the inherent complexity of a medicine’s regulatory review process, undermining the public health via counterfeit medicines, and harming Europe’s economy and jobs.

a. Risks of Limiting Innovation for a Variety of Important New Compounds and Cures

 

The most important reason to preserve the current balance is that it is a proven path to develop new medicines for the public’s health. Recently, a commentator highlighted two critical medicines that would not be available to patients, but for the opportunity afforded by the SPC process: (1) Fingolimod (a drug to treat renal failure after a kidney transplant that was subsequently brought to the market for the treatment of multiple sclerosis (MS)); and, (2) Secukinumab (a treatment of psoriasis, psoriatic arthritis, and ankylosing spondylitis (a type of spinal arthritis) that required an extended, more complicated clinical trial review period).[7] In both cases, the benefits of the additional period of exclusivity under the SPC provided the necessary time and resources for the follow-on clinical trials and research for the medicine’s safety and efficacy review.

Ultimately, SPCs benefit capital intensive pursuits, such as new drug discovery and development, by yielding new drugs or new applications for such drugs. More importantly, the patients who need these drugs clearly benefit. As Europe looks to an aging population and increasing health care costs, there is an ever growing need for effective cures for diseases such as HIV/AIDS, Alzheimer’s, multiple sclerosis (MS), cancers, and others requiring orphan drugs.[8] The SPC system is an important part of how the next generation of pioneering life-saving medicines will come into being.

b. Risk to the Public Health and Safety Through Counterfeit Medicines

 

Another key concern for stakeholders and the public at-large resulting from the current proposals is the inevitable increase of piracy and counterfeiting of these medicines. Global piracy and counterfeiting of medicines is big business. A 2016 study estimated that drug piracy costs Europe more than €10 billion each year, may result in the loss of up to 40,000 direct jobs, and may have a total direct and indirect negative impact of over €17 billion and 90,000 job losses.[9]

In addition to the significant financial impact, piracy and counterfeiting is a matter of public health and safety. It is often the case that the counterfeit medicines are manufactured without sufficient quality controls, or worse, with unsafe or dangerous substitute ingredients. The SPC Export Provision waiver heightens the risk that poor quality or unsafe counterfeits will be diverted across borders. Counterfeit drugs are a massive public health risk throughout Europe and big business for criminal enterprises that either ship fake, unsafe medicine or divert counterfeits across borders trying to profit on the product demand and price differentials among nations.

The SPC Export Provision waiver will ultimately increase medicines piracy and counterfeiting on many grounds, including making it difficult to distinguish between medicines produced legally in one country and other jurisdictions without adequate IP protection, making it difficult to prevent product diversion, and diminishing quality control due to infringement.

c. The European Economic Case: Jobs and Trade

 

Europe boasts a first-class research-based pharmaceutical industry which is estimated to have invested €31.5 billion in R&D in 2015 alone.[10] The leading European countries which contribute to this annual R&D investment include Germany, France, Italy, Spain, and the U.K. The research industry trade association, EFPIA, explains some of the economic benefits of the SPC regime:

The SPC is part of an incentives framework that helps to generate the 35 billion in investment in R&D in Europe by the research-based industry. . . . It helps to safeguard over 750,000 jobs directly employed by biopharmaceutical companies and critically facilitates, research into unmet medical needs, finding treatments and cures for patients across Europe and beyond.[11]

R&D Investment in Europe (2016). Germany, 19%. France, 15%. Italy, 4%. Spain, 3%. U.K., 16%. Rest of Europe, 43%.

European Pharmaceutical Industry: Recent Trends and Statistics[12]

Evaluating the economic factors around an industrial policy proposal—new manufactured units, SMEs, direct and indirect jobs—is a legitimate part of the policy debate. In the public health context, it is one of several factors for policy-makers. Both sides of the debate have offered competing economic analyses of the impact of the waiver.[13] However, the past is prologue, and Europe has 20-plus years of a positive economic experience with the SPC regime.

Today’s debate over the SPC waiver is reminiscent to biotechnology patentability debates in the 1980s that weakened intellectual property rights and drove innovative activity out of Europe. As a recent article explains, the legal choices made by Europe during that crucial era led to an irreparable loss of its technological global leadership in the biotech and health care arena:

Europe lost the competitive and commercial edge in biotechnology to the U.S., which had the foresight to protect a new and innovative industry. This new industry both revolutionized modern medical research and healthcare treatments and brought economic growth to the many U.S. cities in which these new companies sprouted and flourished.[14]

Likewise, additional commentators warn that an SPC waiver poses a threat to Europe’s global competiveness: “Europe is becoming an innovation backwater, easily outspent on R&D by peer nations such as the United States, Japan, South Korea and Australia, according to the 2017 European Innovation Scorecard.”[15] While there are allegations that the SPC waiver would be beneficial for European jobs and its economy, this has been debunked for their flawed methodology or extreme overstatement of the facts.[16]

Conclusion

The EC’s proposed SPC waiver provisions are a cure far worse than the disease. The policy debate around this subject boils down to whether Europe wants a strong or a weak health care system for its citizens. The purported goals advanced by special interest tactics certainly sound noble: more competition, lower prices. In fact, the opposite ignoble result is an inevitable undermining of the incentives for the discovery and development new medicines.

The EC should reconsider the proposed waiver for many reasons. The current SPC system offers a successful twenty-year-plus track record. It respects the balance between patients and the medicines innovation ecosystem. The waiver will directly stifle innovation in the guise of fostering competition, as well as dampen the future of innovative medicines and harm the European economy. One must conclude that the SPC waiver should be reconsidered for the sake of the public health and future well-being of the European citizenry.


[1] https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/cost-to-develop-new-pharmaceutical-drug-now-exceeds-2-5b/.

[2] Erika Lietzan, The Drug Innovation Paradox, 83 Missouri Law Review 39 at 78-79 (2018) (describing the U.S. regime), available at https://ssrn.com/abstract=2948604.

[3] Id. at 59 (“Through the 1970s, as the modern new drug premarket paradigm took shape, scholars and policymakers became aware of diminishing effective patent life. Because inventors typically file active ingredient patent applications before clinical testing starts, these patents tend to issue before or during the trials. At the time, a patent lasted for seventeen years from issuance. Today, it generally lasts for twenty years from the filing of the patent application. In either case, a significant portion of the term of an active ingredient patent may lapse before FDA approves the marketing application. This shortens the period of time that the drug sponsor may exploit the invention in the market while enjoying patent rights.”).

[4] Id.

[5] Malwina Mejer, 25 years of SPC protection for medicinal products in Europe: Insights and challenges (May 2017), available at https://ec.europa.eu/info/publications/25-years-spc-protection-medicinal-products-europe-insights-and-challenges_en.

[6] The European Medicines Agency (EMA) explains that “[a] biosimilar is a biological medicine highly similar to another already approved biological medicine (the ‘reference medicine’). Biosimilars are approved according to the same standards of pharmaceutical quality, safety and efficacy that apply to all biological medicines. The European Medicines Agency (EMA) is responsible for evaluating the majority of applications to market biosimilars in the European Union (EU). Biological medicines offer treatment options for patients with chronic and often disabling conditions such as diabetes, autoimmune disease and cancers.” Available at https://www.ema.europa.eu/en/human-regulatory/overview/biosimilar-medicines-overview.

[7] Nathalie Moll, Betting on innovation, the case for the SPC, available at https://www.efpia.eu/news-events/the-efpia-view/blog-articles/betting-on-innovation-the-case-for-the-spc/.

[8] The European Medicines Agency (EMA) notes that “[a]bout 30 million people living in the European Union (EU) suffer from a rare disease. The [EMA] plays a central role in facilitating the development and authorization of medicines for rare diseases, which are termed ‘orphan medicines’ in the medical world.” Available at https://www.ema.europa.eu/en/human-regulatory/overview/orphan-designation.

[9] http://www.pharmexec.com/counterfeit-drugs-cost-europe-more-10-billion-year.

[10] https://www.ihealthcareanalyst.com/european-pharmaceutical-industry-recent-trends-statistics/.

[11] https://efpia.eu/news-events/the-efpia-view/statements-press-releases/efpia-statement-on-the-implementation-of-the-spc-manufacturing-waiver/.

[12] https://www.ihealthcareanalyst.com/european-pharmaceutical-industry-recent-trends-statistics/.

[13] http://ecipe.org/blog/ec-spc/; https://www.medicinesforeurope.com/newsroom/.

[14] Kevin Madigan & Adam Mossoff, Turning Gold Into Lead: How Patent Eligibility Doctrine is Undermining U.S. Leadership in Innovation, 24 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 939 (2017) (“We believe these are sensible provisions to avoid weakening Europe’s IP framework further, particularly in today’s context of intense global competition for pharmaceutical research and development investment.”), available https://ssrn.com/abstract=2943431.

[15] See, e.g., Philip Stevens, The European Commission’s pharmaceutical innovation incentives review is at risk of serious overreach, available at http://ecipe.org/blog/ec-spc/.

[16] Sussell et al, Reconsidering the economic impact of the EU manufacturing and export provisions, J. of Generic Medicines, 1-17. (citing arithmetic error and providing a counter factual analysis of the unit, job, SME, and economic benefits in a recent generic industry study praising the SPC waiver proposal).

Categories
Innovation Patent Law

Proposal for Drug Price Controls is Legally Unprecedented and Threatens Medical Innovation

dictionary entry for the word "innovate"By Adam Mossoff, Sean O’Connor, & Evan Moore*

The price of the miracle drugs everyone uses today is cause for concern among people today. The President has commented on it. Some academics, lawyers, and policymakers have routinely called for the government to “do something” to lower prices. The high prices are unsurprising: cutting-edge medical treatments are the result of billions of dollars spent by pharmaceutical companies over decades of research and development with additional lengthy testing trials required by the Food & Drug Administration. Earlier this year, though, the New York Times called for the government to use a federal law in forcing the sale of patented drugs by any private company to consumers in the healthcare market, effectively creating government-set prices for these drugs.

The New York Times proposal was prompted by an article in the Yale Journal of Law and Technology, which asserts that this law (known as § 1498) has been used by the federal government in the past to provide the public with lower-cost drugs. This claim—repeated as allegedly undisputed by the New York Times—is false. In fact, the proposal to use § 1498 for the government to set drug prices charged by private companies in the healthcare market would represent an unprecedented use of a law that was not written for this purpose.

Let’s first get clear on the law that the New York Times has invoked as the centerpiece of its proposal: § 1498 was first passed by Congress over a hundred years ago. It was a solution to a highly technical legal issue of how patent owners could overcome the government’s immunity from lawsuits when the government used their property without authorization. What ultimately became today’s § 1498 waived the federal government’s sovereign immunity against lawsuits, securing to patent owners the right to sue in federal court for reasonable compensation for unauthorized uses of their property.

This law resolved vexing legal questions about standing and jurisdiction, securing to patent owners the same right to constitutional protection of their property from a “taking” of their property by the government under the Fifth Amendment as all other property owners. This short summary makes clear that § 1498 is solely to provide compensation for government use of patented invention; it is neither a price control statute nor a general license for government agencies to intervene in private markets.

This is confirmed by the text of § 1498, which provides that when a patented invention is “used or manufactured by” the government, the patent owner is owed a “reasonable and entire compensation.” Thus, § 1498 acknowledges that the government has the power to use a patent for government use as long as it pays reasonable compensation to the patent owner. The predecessor statute was initially limited to direct government use of the invention. But in 1918 it was amended to cover government contractors as well. The issue was that patentees were suing and obtaining injunctions for infringement by private contractors, which slowed important production of war materials during World War One.

Just as the initial statute precluded an injunction against the government—providing only for “reasonable and entire compensation” as the sole remedy—the amended statute further shielded government contractors by placing the sole remedy for the latter’s infringement on the government as well. This makes sense given that the private company was working at the behest of the government itself. Thus, central to any such defense was that the contractor needed to show that it was infringing the patent on the “authorization and consent” of the government. And, just as for the government’s direct infringement, the contractor’s infringement was covered only to the extent it was for legitimate government use. Any private market use by the private company placed its infringing uses outside the statute and thus the company was fully liable for regular patent remedies, including injunctive relief.

The article published in the student-edited law journal that precipitated the New York Times proposal misconstrues § 1498 because it engages in an economic sleight of hand, characterizing pharmaceutical patents as an unwarranted tax paid by the public. The underlying argument is that drugs are expensive due to monopoly pricing and any drug sold above its basic cost of production represents economic deadweight loss. This argument ignores one of the key economic functions of the patent system, which is to secure the opportunity for innovators to recoup extensive costs in R&D expenditures and which are not reflected in costs of production themselves, such as the more than $2 billion in R&D spent by innovative pharmaceutical companies in creating a new drug.

The argument by the journal article thus applies to any patent (and has been made against all patents by other critics of the patent system), but the authors limit their proposal to cases of “excessive” prices for certain drugs, such as the cutting-edge, groundbreaking Hepatitis C treatment that ranges from $20,000-$90,000 for a 12-week treatment plan. Section 1498, they argue, should be used not just for the government’s own use of patented drugs for military personnel or other public employees, but for any infringement of the patent approved by the government in the name of providing lower prices to the public.

If the article authors and the New York Times had their way, the federal government would simply declare that a drug is too expensive and thus it would preemptively authorize any private company to make and sell the drug more cheaply. The pharmaceutical company would sue the companies for patent infringement, and the government would intervene under § 1498, claiming that these companies are essentially contractors acting at the behest of the government. Under the legal rules governing payment of “reasonable compensation” under § 1498 and payment of “just compensation” under the Fifth Amendment, the property owner receives the “fair market value” for the unauthorized use.

To the article authors and the New York Times this means a minimal royalty based off the mistaken premise that the price comparison would be retail price of the drug if it were not covered by a patent (like a generic). But instead, § 1498 procedures routinely rule that the government must compensate the patent owner the full measure of patent damages as would have been awarded in a regular patent infringement trial. Section 1498 does not provide a back door, cheaper “compulsory license” even for appropriate government use. The article authors and the New York Times would like to ignore the innovating pharmaceutical company’s R&D expenditures incurred beforehand and have the government compensate the company at significantly less than what it would receive under normal circumstances.

Aside from the flawed economic and legal argument underlying this price-control proposal, it represents an unprecedented use of § 1498, despite the claims by the article authors to the contrary. In the article, the authors assert that § 1498 was used exactly in this way in the 1950s and 1960s. But this is false: the federal government has never used § 1498 to authorize private companies to sell drugs to private consumers in the healthcare market in the United States. In these cases, the Department of Defense (“DoD”) relied on § 1498 to purchase military medical supplies from drug companies that infringed patents. Statements from agency heads during congressional hearings at the time confirm that the DoD, NASA, and the Comptroller General all understood the law as applying to procurement of goods for government use.

In other words, the government has never relied on or argued that § 1498 applies outside of the federal government procuring patented goods and services for its own use by its own agencies or officials. This is also true for government contractors: § 1498 shields a contractor’s infringement only while it is working directly for the federal government, and thus the private company cannot deliver the goods or services directly to private markets. If the contractor does this, its infringement falls outside the scope of § 1498, and it can be sued as a matter of private right directly for patent infringement under the patent laws.

Despite this significant commercial and legal difference between private companies working as contractors for the federal government and private companies selling products in the marketplace, the article authors (and thus the New York Times) claim otherwise. The New York Times, for instance, asserts that “In the late 1950s and 1960s, the federal government routinely used 1498 to obtain vital medications at a discount.” The New York Times further asserts that § 1498 “fell out of use” due mainly to the lobbying efforts of pharmaceutical companies. This is false. The historical record is absolutely clear that government agencies and courts have all applied § 1498 only to situations of government procurement and its own direct use. It has never been used to authorize private companies infringing patents for the sole purpose of selling the patented innovation to consumers in the free market.

The question then becomes whether § 1498 permits the federal government to simply declare certain patented products to be “too expensive” and this then justifies the government to indemnify private companies under its sovereign immunity to infringe the patent in selling the drug in the private healthcare market on the basis of this allegedly public purpose. Section 1498 has never been used in this way before, including when the government purchased drugs in the 1950s and 1960s. The authors of the article in the Yale Journal of Law and Technology claim they “recover this history and show how § 1498 can once again be used to increase access to life-saving medicines.” But § 1498 was never used in this way historically—the federal government has never used this law to permit private companies to sell drugs to private consumers in the private healthcare market. This proposal is an unprecedented use of a law in direct contradiction to its text and its 100+ years of application by federal agencies and courts.

Perhaps the most surprising aspect of the New York Times proposal is that it refers to § 1498 as an “obscure” provision of the patent law. First, it is not a statutory provision in the Patent Act, but rather is part of the federal statutes authorizing the judiciary to hear lawsuits. This underscores the early point that § 1498 was merely a technical fix to an unintended loophole existing since the 19th century that prevented, or at least complicated, patent owners suing the government for unauthorized uses by officials or agencies—even as the courts routinely opined that patents are property and that government should have to pay for their use. Second, while § 1498 may be “obscure” to the public at large, patent lawyers and government lawyers know this law very well. It is the bread and butter of government contract work and the legal basis of hundreds, if not thousands, of lawsuits against the federal government for over a century.

As the courts have long recognized, § 1498 is an eminent domain law. It provides a court with the authority to hear a lawsuit and award just compensation when the federal government or a person acting directly at its behest as its agent or contractor uses a patent without authorization. Section 1498 does not grant the government a new power to authorize infringement of a patent for the sole purpose of a company selling a product at a lower price in the market, effectively imposing de facto government price controls on drugs. The proposal in an academic journal and repeated by the New York Times to use § 1498 in this way is unprecedented. Even worse, it threatens the legal foundation of the incredible medical innovation in this country created by the promise to pharmaceutical companies of reliable and effective patent rights as a way to secure to them the fruits of their innovative labors.

*Evan Moore is a 2L at Antonin Scalia Law School, and he works as a Research Assistant at CPIP.

Categories
Patent Law Pharma

New CPIP Policy Brief: An Unwise Move to Discriminate Against Pharmaceutical Patents

enlarged image of a moleculeCPIP has published a new policy brief entitled An Unwise Move to Discriminate Against Pharmaceutical Patents: Responding to the UN’s Guidelines for Pharmaceutical Patent Examination.

The brief, written by CPIP Senior Scholar and UMKC Professor of Law Chris Holman, analyzes the UN’s recent Guidelines for Pharmaceutical Patent Examination, which are influential in the policy debates regarding the role of patented pharmaceuticals in public health. Professor Holman critically examines the Guidelines, pointing out that they “put a thumb on the scale in favor of generic medications” while failing to adequately consider “the development and incremental improvement of innovative pharmaceutical products.”

The Executive Summary is copied below:

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

Recently, United Nations agencies have encouraged countries to make it harder to get patents on pharmaceuticals. The primary vehicle for this policy has been the Guidelines for Pharmaceutical Patent Examination: Examining Pharmaceutical Patents from a Public Health Perspective (the “Guidelines”). The Guidelines advocate excluding entire categories of pharmaceutical inventions from patentability.

This new approach represents a departure from past patent policy. The patent system has long applied the same rules to everybody instead of discriminating against particular types of technologies or industries. Ordinarily, each invention is judged on its individual merits based on neutral and generally-applicable rules for patentability.

The aim of the Guidelines is to make medicines cheaper, which is a laudable goal, but the kind of goal that has long been kept out of patent examination for good reasons. If a government objects to the prices of a product or how a business behaves in the marketplace, it applies other laws after the patent is granted. But when governments interject politics and policy before a patent is granted, the patent system as a whole becomes unreliable and unpredictable. Businesses are reluctant to invest in unreliable property rights and in the markets that make them unreliable. They either stop investing in innovation or avoid the markets where their innovations are unprotected.

The Guidelines contend that many forms of pharmaceutical innovation are inherently routine and hence unpatentable by default. Consequently, they demand exceptional circumstances from pharmaceutical inventions not required in other fields. The Guidelines would also restrict patents on innovations that occur later during drug development, including after the initial launch of a product.

This Policy Brief provides an evidence-based review of the categories of pharmaceutical innovation addressed by the Guidelines and dismissed as undeserving of patents. These include “Markush claims,” selection patents, patents on different forms of the drug, prodrugs and metabolites, compositions, combinations, doses, and new medical uses. Many of these categories of inventions are rather technical, so the Policy Brief attempts to briefly illuminate what each is and why it matters to the process of discovering and bringing new drugs to patients.

Once each category is carefully explained and examined, one finds real innovations. As illustrated by the decisions surveyed in this Policy Brief, when courts delve deeply into the substance of these inventions, they are often struck by the unpredictability and difficulty inherent in pharmaceutical innovation. These innovations can provide new and beneficial ways to formulate, prepare, and deliver the drugs as well as different ways to use the drugs.

Considered in the abstract, it is easy to devalue the inventiveness of the categories of pharmaceutical innovation targeted by the Guidelines. However, it is hoped that this Policy Brief and the full-length version, In Defense of Secondary Pharmaceutical Patents: A Response to the UN’s Guidelines for Pharmaceutical Patent Examination, will provide some counterweight to balance some of the more radical, and in my view unwarranted, recommendations set forth in the Guidelines. The interested reader should consult the full-length article for an expanded explanation including examples and citations to primary sources.

To read the policy brief, please click here.